I
wish to acknowledge the assistance of the staff of the National Library,
National Archives, Registry of Deeds, Representative Church Body Library and
National University of Ireland, Maynooth Library. I would especially like to
thank Ivor Hamrock of the local history section of Mayo County Library,
Castlebar for continual advice.
I
would like to thank Joe McDermott and Mark Garevan for advising me to enrol for
this course and for constant encouragement during it. The enthusiasm of Dr.
Raymond Gillespie, the course director during the lectures made them even more
enjoyable and the guidance he gave me in preparing this thesis was most
valuable. My classmates made the whole course more enjoyable even when the
going got tough. My thanks to Una, my wife and Eoin, my son for reading the
final draft of this thesis and making helpful suggestions and to all my family
for putting up with the demands that the course made on my time.
JGAHS
Journal of the
Galway Archaeological and Historical Society
N.A. National Archives
NLI National Library
of Ireland
NA National Archives
RD Registry of Deeds
This thesis examines the history of the O’Donel estate in
West Mayo, from the purchase of the estate by Sir Neal O’Donel in the late
eighteenth century to the sale of most of the estate, in the 1850s in the
Encumbered Estates Court, by his grandson Sir Richard Annesley O’Donel. The
estate was purchased from John Thomas Medlicott and Thomas John Medlicott for
£33,589 19s 4d, which was equal to nineteen years and a half purchase of the
rental income minus the head rent amounting to £1722 11s 3d per year.
The O’Donels owned land in three baronies of Mayo, the Tarmon estate in the
barony of Erris, the Cong estate in the barony of Kilmaine and the Newport
estate in the barony of Burrishoole. Included in the sale of lands by the
Medlicotts was also land in Counties Tipperary, Kilkenny and Waterford but this
was probably disposed of almost immediately as the only reference to it in the
O’Donel papers is in the deed of sale of 17 July 1774.
The Burrishoole
estate, centred on the town of Newport, was made up of 70,000 acres. The land
is generally poor consisting in a large part of mountain grazing. The part of
the property that was arable, consisted of acidic peaty soils. Crops that grew
there were buffeted by winds coming in from the Atlantic Ocean. The soil and
climate were ideal however for the cultivation of potatoes and linen. The
success of these two crops led to the rapid increase in the population of the
estate and its subsequent drastic decline during the Great Famine of the 1840s,
when the population on the estate decreased by 46 per cent between 1841 and
1851.
Maps 1 to 3 show the location in Ireland of County Mayo and
where in Mayo Newport and the Barony of Burrishoole are located.
Map 1:
Ireland, Provinces, Major Cities, and County Mayo (after Almquist)
Map 2: County Mayo.(after Almquist)
Map 3:
The Baronies of Mayo (after Almquist)
The O’Donels were originally from Donegal but had come to
Mayo in the seventeenth century. They had initially settled in Ballycroy, later
in Achill and finally appeared in Newport in 1760. The first of the O’Donels to
own the Burrishoole estate was Neal, later Sir Neal. He was the son of Hugh,
who owned a farm in Melcomb, Newport where the O’Donels built the first of
their big houses. Sir Neal was already a large landholder in the parish of
Burrishoole prior to the purchase from the Medlicotts. It has been suggested
that he may have made his money smuggling wine and tobacco from Spain. It is
interesting to speculate that if this is true his contacts in Spain may have
been his distant cousins, descendants of the exiled Red Hugh. Sir Neal had four
sons, Hugh, James Moore, Connel and Sir Neal the younger who eventually
succeeded him. Sir Neal in turn was succeeded by his son, Hugh James Moore, who
died the following year in a shooting accident to be succeeded by his brother
Richard.
The O’Donels moved in the social circles of the landed
Anglo-Irish aristocracy both in Mayo and in Dublin. They owned several houses
in Dublin at different times. In his will dated 1810 Sir Neal O’Donel left to
his wife Lady O’Donel his interest in the house and furniture of No 15 Merrion
Square North and in 1811 Sir Neal O’Donel the younger had a residence in
Mountjoy Square, Dublin.
The estate was not as isolated from the social world of Dublin as one would
imagine. Leaving Dublin at 7 p.m. by mail coach one would arrive in Westport at
4 the following afternoon.
Little has been written specifically on the O’Donel estate. A
previous thesis was written by Joe McDermott on the Burrishoole estate when the
Medlicotts owned it and run successfully by their land agent James Moore from
1720 until his death in 1765.
However there is a substantial literature available on pre-famine Mayo.
Padraig Lane published ten articles on the Encumbered Estates
Court between 1972 and 1999, which evaluated the impact of the court upon the
agrarian scene.
Desmond McCabe examines the interactions between landlord and
tenant in Mayo in the years leading up to the famine.
and W H Crawford examines the developing commercial interaction in the county
which improved with the development of roads which gave rise to a larger number
of fairs and markets and the gradual closer contact with a wider world through
improved communications.
All
these sources looked at the landlord in eighteenth and nineteenth century Mayo
but nobody has looked at one landlord family and their estate and the financial
difficulties they got into during the period prior to and during the Famine.
This thesis attempts that task.
The
evidence that this thesis is based on consists mainly of the unindexed O’Donel
papers in the National Library of Ireland. These had been preserved by the
local historian and county councillor Pádraig O Domhnaill who rescued the
documents when they were being disposed of following the sale of Newport House
by the last of the O’Donel family. His widow subsequently passed them on to the
National Library. There are some gaps in this material and there is nothing
present on some parts of the estate, particularly the Tarmon estate and land in
Counties Kilkenny, Tipperary and Waterford that was included in the deed of
1774. Rent rolls are not available for every year and some are more detailed
than others. The material consists mainly of leases, rent rolls, details of indentures
and court cases and papers relating to the sale in the Encumbered Estates
Court. Other primary sources in the National Library consulted include minutes
of the Westport and Newport Poor Law Union and correspondence of Jonathan Pim,
one of the secretaries of the Central Relief Committee.
Other
primary sources include abstracts of wills and correspondence with and from the
Central Relief Committee and reports of the extent of the Famine available in
the National Archives. Several deeds involved in the estate were examined in
the Registry of Deeds and details of clergymen active in the parish and church
registers from St. Catherine’s Church of Ireland church were consulted at the
Representative Church Body Library.
There
are three main themes in the thesis, the landlord and their world of debt, the
tenants world and problems in that area and landlord-tenant relations. The main
factors in the decline of the estate were financial involving extensive
borrowing and settlements made on marriages of daughters and to younger sons of
the family. This was not matched by a corresponding growth in income over time.
The decline in agricultural prices following the ending of the Napoleonic wars
and the concomitant decline of the linen industry in the parish made the payment
of rent by the tenants more difficult and contributed to financial difficulty
resulting in the family having to sell most of the estate. These difficulties
were massively accentuated by the occurrence of the Great Famine in 1847. The relationship between the O’Donel family
and the tenants during the Famine and how the tenants of the O’Donel estate
fared in comparison with those of other landlords is also looked at.
Co-operation with various relief agencies, particularly the Central Relief
Committee organised by the Society of Friends or Quakers, was very important in
alleviating distress at this time. The workings of the two Poor Law Unions
active in the area, initially the Westport Union and later the Newport Union,
and Sir Richard O’Donel’s involvement in them is also examined. The impact of
the Famine on landlord tenant relations is examined. The change in land leasing
patterns from multiple tenants to single tenants and the role of evictions in
population dynamics are also considered.
This
thesis will examine the factors that gave rise to the expansion of the O’Donel
estate and its subsequent decline. It will also look at how these factors
influenced the lives of the tenants and their relationship with the landlord.
This first chapter concentrates on the O’Donel family and
their change in fortunes over time. The decline in agricultural prices
following the ending of the Napoleonic wars and the concomitant decline of the
linen industry in the parish of Burrishoole made the payment of rent by the
tenants more difficult. This decrease in income was further complicated by
increased debts due to annuities and marriage settlements. Annuities were paid
to widows of landlords or potential landlords and over the period of
sixty-seven years covered by this study annuities were paid to five widows and
to two daughters of deceased heirs. A large number of deeds were executed to
secure these annuities and this further added to the burden of debt. Wills were
often used to disburse the wealth of the estate rather than consolidate it and
place it in a more financially viable position for the inheritor of the estate.
The amount of land the landlord owned was associated with
status. Land was a necessary attribute of a gentry family. Their perception was
that the more land that they owned the better their status. Even when the
family was in dire financial straits they did not think of selling land. Also
associated with status was the honour system. It was vital for the aristocracy
to uphold personal and family honour in the eighteenth and early nineteenth
century. This resulted in three members of the O’Donel family fighting in
duels. The result of these duels was that two of the family, James Moore
O’Donel and Hugh O’Donel were seriously wounded, James Moore subsequently dying
from his wounds. His story illustrates some of the perils of political life in
Connacht at the end of the eighteenth century. A dispute occurred during an
election campaign in Castlebar in 1790 between the rival sides in the election
the supporters of the Binghams and those who supported the Brownes. The
Binghams were the main landlord family in Castlebar of which Lord Lucan was a
member and the Brownes included Lord Altamont of Westport, to whom the O’Donels
were related. The sheriff intervened and called in the army and the consequence
was a riot, in which a number of people including James Moore O’Donel were
severely beaten.
I
The O'Donels were the lineal descendants of Niall Garbh
O’Donel, cousin of Red Hugh O’Donel, who regarded Tir Chonaill as his
inheritance and was bitterly disappointed when the crown bestowed it upon earl
Rory. The Cromwellian campaign resulted in wholesale clearances of the native
population in Donegal and following the defeat of the Irish outside Letterkenny
in June, 1650,it is believed that Manus's son ‘Rory of Lifford’, and many
others, were transplanted to the Ballycroy district of Mayo, around 1654.
The great grandson of Rory, Neal O'Donel, held title to Kildavnet and Achill
Beg in 1776. In 1781 he purchased the fine estate of Cong and four years later
he was able to purchase the Burrishoole estate from John Thomas Medlicott for
£33,589 in opposition to John, third earl of Altamont, afterwards first marquis
of Sligo.
The Medlicotts’ estate was run successfully by their land
agent James Moore.
James Moore died in 1765 and this probably contributed to the decision of the
Medlicotts to sell the estate. Following his death the estate was not run as
well and in 1774, the Medlicotts were in severe financial difficulty and
applied for a loan to John late earl of Altamont who accordingly agreed to lend
them £16,333 6s 8d at 6 per cent interest. As there were many annuities and other
debts affixed to the Medlicotts’ estate it was agreed that as security for this
loan they would convey to the earl of Altamont most of the estate for ever. In
exchange the earl agreed to make a lease for lives renewable for ever of the
estate to the Medlicotts their heirs and assigns at a rent of £980 that was the
interest of the sum of £16,333 6s 8d. One condition of this was that the
Medlicotts would procure surrender of the undertenants leases within seven
years. The other smaller part of the
estate was also assigned to the earl to protect him from other debts due from
the Medlicott estate particularly an annuity due to William Osborne. The
Medlicotts regularly paid the earl of Altamont the head rent of £980 a year
until the year 1785 when Sir Neal O’Donel purchased the estate. Following his purchase Sir Neal was not able
to persuade the undertenants to surrender their leases. However all the debts
affecting the premises were paid off except the annuity to Osborne.
Sir Neal O’Donel had received a baronetcy in 1780.
This was associated with his change to the Protestant faith in 1763.
He had four sons, the eldest Hugh had married Alice
Hutchinson and as he was expected to inherit the estate there were several
settlements made on their marriage. Hugh, who predeceased his
father, had been educated at Glasgow University and was living at Tralee at the
time of his death in 1799. After his death his widow Alice gave birth to a
daughter who was christened Alice Hugh Massey O'Donel and several court cases
arose from her claim to part of her father’s estate not being paid.
The second son was James Moore O’Donel who died without issue
but a settlement was made on 8 November 1793 prior to his marriage to Deborah
Camac. In this settlement lands in Kilmactigue in the County of Sligo and the
lands of Tarmon and Knocks in the half barony of Erris and County of Mayo
leased by Sir Neal O’Donel under the see of Killala were assigned to James
Moore O'Donel. Following his death trustees were appointed to manage these
lands and his widow was entitled to an annuity of £400 during her lifetime. In
his will Sir Neal left these lands to his son Connel O’Donel on condition that
the annuity would continue to be paid. He also bequeathed to his daughter in
law Deborah O'Donel, the widow of James Moore O’Donel, £50 to purchase a ring
as a mark of his regard for her.
The third son the second Sir Neal married Catherine Annesley and
there were several settlements on this marriage. The fourth son was Connel.
Neil
Beg or Sir Neal the younger succeeded his father Sir Neal. His son Hugh James
Moore O’Donel succeeded him in turn. Sir Hugh James Moore O’Donel in a marriage
settlement, dated 24 May 1828, specified that the remainder of his estate
should pass to the offspring of his second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth and
seventh sons. This was tempting fate in a family where two out of the four
previous inheritors or potential inheritors of the estate had died without male
issue, and he died four months later, in a shooting accident at Newport House,
his only offspring a posthumous daughter, Arabella.
Female offspring could not inherit
the estate, although this was changed later in the nineteenth century when it
appeared that the family was dying out and the estate would go with it.
Millicent Agnes O’Donel the only child of Richard Alen O’Donel was allowed to
inherit the estate on condition her husband changed his name to O’Donel and any
of her children also had the name O’Donel.
Sir Hugh James Moore was succeeded by his brother Richard who
became Sir Richard. Sir Richard married Mary, the daughter of George
Clendenning. Her father had been the agent for the marquis of Sligo and her
brother, Alexander Clendenning, later became agent for Sir Richard and
subsequently was appointed Receiver when the estate was declared bankrupt by
the Court of Chancery.
In 1752 the Medlicott estate yielded only £1700 but in 1800
Sir Neal's income was £8000 a year. Part of the source of his wealth was
derived from the honourable occupation of smuggling, then prevalent on the West
Coast of Ireland.
Sir Neal was a shipowner and traded as far south as Cadiz, Spain. Revenue
officials seized several hogsheads of wine from his Melcomb premises in 1790.
He retaliated by suing the crown for trespass and the breaking open of doors,
etc. After protracted court proceedings he was awarded £1,500 damages and
costs.
A letter from Lord Sligo to Sir Neal O’Donel the younger, informing him of the
forcible landing of tobacco near Newport and that the authorities in Dublin
have been notified, might infer that the involvement of the O’Donel family in
smuggling could be common knowledge in the area.
An outside income that ceased due to
increased surveillance would help to explain why the estate became unviable.
The answer more probably lies in the fact that due to an unfortunate set of
circumstances: five heads of the O'Donel family or potential heads died in a
period of twenty-nine years.
Two
of the O’Donels were killed. An article in the Dublin Chronicle of 11
May 1790 states :
In the duelling
line the County of Mayo has taken the lead, during the present General Election
no less than three private contests have been fought there in the week before
last. That between the Hon Denis Browne, one of the candidates, and Mr Bingham
terminated without any disagreeable consequences. But in the duel between Mr Hugh O’Donel son
of Sir Neal O’Donel Bart and another of the Mr Binghams we are sorry to add
that the former was most dangerously wounded being shot through the neck.
Eleven
years later in September 1801, James Moore O’Donel was not so lucky and was
killed in a duel, by Major Denis Bingham at Killanley Glebe near Enniscrone in
County Sligo. A tradition says that he was lame and had the sight of only one
eye and is supposed to have been placed with his back to the sea, so that he
was silhouetted against the horizon. The same source alleges that his opponent
had been instructed by his second to fire before word was given, which he did
scoring a direct hit to the heart. Bingham himself was unhurt.
The
inscription on the memorial tablet to James Moore O’Donel in Newport Church of
Ireland church reads ‘In arduous times
he proved his loyalty to his King, in corrupt times he supported the
independence of his country and as he lived a Man of Honours so he died a Man
of Courage in the 36th year of his age.’
Further loss of an O’Donel heir could
have taken place in 1828 when a duel took place on an island near the town of
Newport between Richard O’Donel and J Stewart Esqs. The duel was reported in
the Mayo Constitution :
The former attended by Lieut. Hyland of the Royal Navy and
the latter by Lieut. O’Halloran of the 69th Regiment. After an
exchange of shots without effect, the parties were again handed their pistols
when Mr Stewart fired a second time we are happy to say without effect. Mr
O’Donel who reserved his shot then discharged his pistol into the sea,
whereupon the matter terminated.
The
above meeting took place in consequence of the strenuous exertions of Mr
Richard O’Donel to prevent such demonstrations of public feeling as might and
probably would lead to the excitement of the Party Spirit following the
election of Daniel O’Connell. His endeavour to preserve the peace and
tranquillity of the town and neighbourhood undisturbed was not seconded by the
Local Authorities, in the way that might have been expected.
The
lifestyle of the O’Donels would not be unlike that of other gentry in the
parish an example of which was Reverend George
Graydon, the Church of Ireland rector of the Burrishoole parish up until
his death in 1805. His wife Elizabeth had set up a straw bonnet manufactory
in the parish, which gave considerable employment. They lived in a house in
Carrickahowley called Wilford Lodge about five miles west of Newport. An
account of the expenses arising from the funeral and winding up of the affairs
of Reverend Graydon showed he enjoyed a comfortable lifestyle. As well as
having the house in Mayo he also had a residence in Merrion Street in
Dublin. He had several servants working for him, a maid servant was paid £2 17s
for her wages in full while John Grimes was owed £20 for wages and John Gannon
£35. Other servants in Wilford Lodge were paid £14 4s, the gardener was paid £2
10s for two months work and labourers were paid £1 4s 2d for work done the
previous year. Workmen were paid 6s 6d for cutting mearing fences and 8s for
carrying two stacks of turf back from the bog to Reverend Graydon’s house.
Quarrymen were paid £6 16s 6d for quarrying stones and building four cabins and
a messenger was paid 6s 6d for taking two calves to the fair. These may have
been the same two calves that were sold at Crossmolina for £3 6s. A cow was
sold for £7 19s 3d and two more cows sold in Ballyheane fair for £10 9s. Both
Crossmolina and Ballyheane fairs would be over twenty miles from Wilford and it
would be a long hard days work for the servant to walk the cattle to the fair
sell them and return home the following day. Some black cattle were sold on two
occasions at Newport fair which would only be about five miles away for £17 10s
and £6 6s. A total of seven horses were sold and these were of differing
quality. Two bay horses were sold for £28 8s 6d whereas two lesser horse sold
for £4 17s. A bay horse, two
cars, two saddles and bridles were sold for £9 12s 9d. During the period of
Reverend Graydon’s terminal illness and after his death the horses had to be
placed in livery and this resulted in expenditure of £56 15s. During this
period one of the horses was sick and £2 3s 7d was spent on medicine for it.
Income arising to Reverend Graydon from tithes in the parish of Burrishoole,
from Christchurch in Dublin and the Canonry of Kildare amounted to £502. The
sale of his belongings realised a sum of £776. His paintings and books were taken
to Dublin to be sold where the paintings realised £228 and the books £83. All
the furniture from the house was sold to Sir Samuel O’Malley the resident
landlord in the neighbouring parish of Kilmeena for £304. Glass, china and
other small articles sold for £10 5s, £15 was received for some silver spoons,
£5 for a gun and £2 3s for a case of pistols. The household linen was sold for
£18 6s, but the most interesting item in the sale was the Reverend Graydon’s
collection of minerals which he had spent a lifetime collecting and was sold to
the Geology Department in Trinity College for £100. As one would expect the
funeral of a noted clergyman involved considerable expense and the family spent
a total of £96 on these arrangements.
II
At
least part of the reason for the growing debts of the O’Donels were several
marriage settlements in the O’Donel family, wills leaving large amounts of
money to younger children, (two of which were unborn at the time of their
fathers’ deaths) and jointures to widows that survived their husbands often by
over twenty years. These amounts led to a severe encumbrance on the O’Donel
estate, which combined with the decline in agricultural prices in the 1830s and
the Great Famine of 1845-7 ended in the inevitable sale of the estate by Sir
Richard Annesley O’Donel.
The
first of these incumbrances was that due to the Medlicotts being in financial
difficulty in 1774, they needed to borrow a large amount of money which they
obtained in exchange for a head rent to be given to the earl of Altamont. This
head rent was commenced on the 15 July 1774. The Medlicotts conveyed for ever
the fee simple and inheritance of most of the Burrishoole estate to John, earl
of Altamont for £16,333 6s 8d.
In exchange for this the earl agreed to execute a lease for three lives
renewable for ever subject to the clear yearly rent of £980 sterling. This head
rent was secured by selling the major portion of the estate to James Browne and
James Shiel and the survivor of them and the heirs of such survivors for ever.
Part of this settlement involved John, earl of Altamont assigning a lease for
three lives with a covenant for the perpetual renewal of all the lands
mentioned in the sale.
Sir
Neal O’Donel had purchased the Cong estate in 1781. In order to purchase this estate
he borrowed the sum of £13,700 from Sir Rowland Hill of Hawkestown in the
County of Salop in Great Britain Bart. To secure this loan deeds of lease and
release were made on 29 and 30 August 1781. Sir Neal O’Donel the Elder conveyed
to Rowland Hill and his heirs the Cong Estate subject to redemption on payment
of the principal sum of £13700 sterling with interest for the same at the rate
of £6 per cent per annum. Thomas Browne was included as a guarantor for this
loan. When Sir Rowland Hill died Sir Richard Hill and Rowland Wingfield Esq.
were appointed his executors and they obtained judgement of £14,000 against Sir
Neal O’Donel in his Majesty’s Court of King’s Bench in Ireland in Hilary Term
1787 for non repayment of this loan. A further sum of £7188 1s 10d was awarded
to the Reverend William Browne and Charles de Laet executors of Thomas Browne.
William Browne Esq., heir at law of Reverend William Browne and sole executor,
revived this cause in 1822 and obtained a final decree of £17,633 4s 0d sterling
for principal and interest due upon the mortgage debt.
A
further indenture was made by Sir Neal O’Donel the younger on 7 April 1825 with
William Browne and Edmund Foster Coulson of Hull in the County of York and John
Robinson Robinson of Lissoglassick in the County of Longford. By this time the
principal sum was reduced to £16,700 and all interest paid off. Edward Foster
Coulson and John Robinson Robinson paid £16,700 to William Browne and Sir Neal
granted to Edward Foster Coulson and John R Robinson and their heirs the Cong
Estate. A further deed was made on the same day, between Foster Coulson and
John R Robinson of the one part and John Harewood Jessop and Frances Jessop his
wife of the other part. This declared the trusts respecting the sum of £16,700
to be for the sole and separate use of Frances Jessop. This deed was
subsequently assigned to Robert Flood of Farmley, County Kilkenny and John
Robinson junior of Lissoglassick , County Longford.
As
well as annuities that were arranged to assist in servicing the debts that
arose from the estate there were also several court cases in which judgements
were assigned against different members of the O’Donel family. Sir Neal O’Donel
the elder on 16 July 1785 in the Court of Kings Bench was found to owe Elizabeth
Medlicott of the City of Dublin a total of £4550. This was made up of the
principal sum of £2275 with interest at six per cent per annum. When Elizabeth
Medlicott died, Cornelius Sullivan Esquire was appointed her executor and on 23
September 1824 he obtained a further £2100.
In
the same court of Kings Bench Sir Neal was found to owe Susanna Medlicott of
the City of Dublin a total of £4550 made up of the principal sum of £2275 with
interest at six per cent per annum. He managed to reduce the amount owed to
£400. Cornelius Sullivan was again appointed her executor and was owed a
further £2000 on this account. In the same court of Kings Bench Sir Neal was
found to owe Francis Phillipa Medlicott of the City of Dublin a total of £4550
made up of the principal sum of £2275 with interest at six per cent per annum.
By two separate payments he was able to reduce the principal to £2100. Again
Cornelius Sullivan was appointed her executor and became entitled to the
judgement debt and interest thereon. By a deed of 29 May 1827 Cornelius
Sullivan assigned the Judgement Debt to Robert Barry.
Sir Neal O’Donel the elder was also
found in the court of King’s Bench on 14 January 1785 to owe to General Manus
O’Donel of Newcastle in the County of Mayo £1000 made up of the principal sum
of £500 with interest at six per cent per annum.
This
last mentioned judgement debt was paid off by Sir Neal O’Donel the elder in his
lifetime. He then assigned it to Dodwell Browne of Rahins in the County of Mayo
Esquire his son in law in trust for his, Sir Neal O’Donel’s own use. The
judgement was then vested in Peter Digges La Touche and Mary Anne La Touche
otherwise Browne his wife, Mary Anne having acted as administrator for her
father Dodwell Browne after his death.
On
16 August 1785 in the Court of Exchequer Sir Neal O’Donel was found to owe John
Thomas Medlicott of Bannfield in the County of Dublin esquire a total of £6174
made up of the principal sum of £3084 with interest at six per cent per annum.
John Thomas Medlicott assigned this judgement on 16 August 1786 to William
Smyth of Granby Row in the County of Dublin Esq.. This debt was subsequently
assigned to Arthur Guinness who was the executor of William Smyth and he took
proceedings in court in 1815 to establish his claim to this judgement. However
it was stated that the debt had long since been paid off. Arthur Guinness took
a further case in 5 October 1831 against Sir Richard O’Donel who again insisted
that the debt was long since paid off and satisfied.
Sir
Neal O’Donel the elder in the Court of Exchequer on 6 June 1789 was found to
owe to the Revd Moone Johnston of Kilpipe in the County of Wicklow £3600 made
up of the principal sum of £1800 with interest at six per cent per annum. This
last mentioned judgement debt was paid off by Sir Neal O’Donel the elder in his
lifetime. He then assigned it to Dodwell Browne of Rahins in the County of Mayo
Esquire his son in law in trust for his, Sir Neal O’Donel’s own use. The
judgement was then vested in Peter Digges La Touche and Mary Anne La Touche
otherwise Browne his wife, Mary Anne having acted as administrator for her
father Dodwell Browne after his death.
Sir
Neal O’Donel the elder in the Court of Exchequer on 2 December 1777 was found
to owe to James McDonnell of Cantin Valley, Mayo £892 19s 0d made up of £446 9s
6d principal with interest at six per cent per annum. This judgement was
afterwards assigned to Mary Anne Browne and following her marriage to Peter
Digges La Touche it was further assigned to James Digges La Touche and Arthur
Hutchins.
As already mentioned the one remaining incumbrance on the
Medlicott estate was the annuity to William Osborne. In May 1804 Hannah Osborne
and the executors of William took a court case to recover the arrears of the
annuity which at that time amounted to £7614 13s 5d. Sir Neal hearing that
Osborne was willing to dispose of this annuity for £5000 made an offer to her,
which she agreed to take. However after Mr Medlicott informed Sir Neal that he
meant to impeach the annuity Sir Neal decided not to purchase. In the meantime
Denis Browne, brother of the marquis of Sligo, purchased the annuity from
Hannah Osborne for £4500.
Other incumbrances on the estate included the marriage
settlement of Sir Neal O’Donel. James Moore, the former agent of John Thomas
Medlicott, by his last will made in 1765 bequeathed to his grand daughter Mary
O’Donel otherwise Coane then wife of Neal O’Donel Esq. later Sir Neal O'Donel,
baronet, the sum of £1000. As Sir Neal had not made any settlement on his wife
at the time of his marriage, the following year he drew up a deed with James
Moore, William Coane and Roger Shiel Esq. stating that he had received a
marriage portion with his wife of £1300. This £1300 in fact included the £1000
bequeathed by James Moore to his granddaughter. To secure this settlement he
assigned his real and personal estate to William Coane and Roger Shiel so that
they should immediately after the death of Sir Neal pay £1000 to his wife Mary
if she was then alive. The other £1600 was to go to his children in whatever
proportions he should specify in his will. If Dame Mary should die before Sir
Neal then the whole £2600 should be divided among the children.
In 1798 at the time of the marriage of their son Hugh a further jointure was
settled on Dame Mary in case she survived Sir Neal of £3000 per annum. This was
meant to be in lieu and bar of dower and thirds and be in lieu and in
satisfaction of all and every provision or provisions therefore made for her.
The settlement also reserved to Sir Neal a power to charge his estates with
£14000 as and for younger children and grandchildren. Counsel John Kirwan
giving his opinion of whether Lady O’Donel would be entitled to the £1000
mentioned in this settlement, in addition to the £3000 a year felt she would not.
He was of the opinion however that the provision of £14000 for children and
grandchildren in the deed of 1798 would not deprive them of the £1600 secured
to them by the settlement of 1766.
A marriage settlement was made prior to the impending
marriage of Hugh O’Donel with Alice Hutchinson on 10 October 1798. Hugh as the
eldest son was expected to inherit the estate on the death of his father Sir
Neal, so the settlement was extremely generous. Dominick Jeffrey Browne of
Castle McGarrett in the County of Mayo Esquire and Peter Locke of Gloucester
Street, in the City of Dublin guaranteed the settlement, made between Sir Neal
and Lady Mary O’Donel and Hugh O’Donel and Alice Hutchinson. Other guarantors
were Connolly Coane of the City of Dublin Esquire, the brother of Lady Mary
O’Donel, Arthur Herbert of Tralee in the County of Kerry Esquire, Arthur and
Emmanuel Hutchinson of Ballylackey in the County of Cork Esquires, Patrick
Lynch of Clogher in the County of Mayo Esquire and Lewis O’Donel of Old Castle
in the County of Mayo Esquire.
It stated
that immediately after the marriage the lands of the Cong estate were to be
assigned to the use of Emmanuel Hutchinson and Patrick Lynch their heirs or
executors administrators and assigns for the term of ninety nine years in
trust. This was to insure that Hugh O’Donel and his assigns should receive
yearly during the joint lives of Sir Neal O’Donel and Hugh O’Donel a sum of
£2000 a year payable half yearly and that in case Sir Neal O’Donel should
survive Hugh then each of Hugh’s sons should receive yearly during the life
time of Sir Neal an annuity of £2000 a year payable half yearly. After the
death of Sir Neal O’Donel, if his wife survived him she should receive £3000
per annum. Dominick Jeffrey Browne and Peter Locke were to ensure the terms of
the settlement were carried out during the lifetime of Hugh O’Donel. After the
death of Hugh O’Donel, Connolly Coane and Arthur Herbert their executors
administrators and assigns were to be responsible for the term of five hundred
years. This was to be done to ensure payment was made to the first and other
sons of Hugh O’Donel by Alice Hutchinson and the male heirs of first and other
sons, successively according to their priority of birth. If there were no sons
of this marriage the inheritance was to pass to the second son of Sir Neal
O’Donel, James Moore O’Donel, who as stated previously, died in the lifetime of
his father without any issue. The inheritance then passed to Neal O’Donel, the
third son of Sir Neal O’Donel and with an ultimate remainder to the right heirs
of the said Sir Neal O’Donel deceased entail male.
Sir Neal O'Donel’s will was made on 19 March 1810. In it he
stated that under the terms of the settlement of 10 October 1798 and deed of 8
December 1798 he was entitled to charge a sum of £14000 on the lands and
premises of the estate. He left to his son Neal O’Donel now Sir Neal O’Donel
the sum of £10, to his fourth son Connel O’Donel £3000, to his daughter
Margaret Lady Molyneux the wife of Sir Capel Molyneux Baronet the sum of £10.
To his grandchildren, who were children of his daughter Maria, who died
following a fall from a horse in the grounds of her estate in Rehins, Castlebar
Co. Mayo in 1809,and her husband Dodwell Browne he left the following amounts.
To Hugh Henry Browne he left £990, to Neal O’Donel Browne
£1990, to Matilda Browne £1000,to Louisa Browne £1000, to Maria Browne £1000
and to Mary Anne Browne £5000. Mary Anne later married Peter Digges la Touche
and was afterwards a plaintiff in a suit in Chancery against Sir Richard
Annesley O'Donel.
In the marriage settlement of Sir Neal the younger, Francis
Charles Annesley agreed to advance to Connel O’Donel the £3000 left him in his
father’s will.
The
marriage settlement of Hugh James Moore O’Donel consists of two parts. The
first dated 24 May 1828 settles the Cong estate and that part of the
Burrishoole estate held freehold on Thomas Towers of Bushy Park in County
Tipperary and Henry O’Hara of the Middle Temple London Esq.. They were required
to sell off enough of this property for the payment of all arrears of interest
and costs due not to exceed £500.
The
second part of the settlement made on the 30 May 1828 with William Francis
Hart, Josias Dunn of Kildare Street in the City of Dublin Esq. and Alexander
Richey of Bagot Street in the City of Dublin was for the purpose of barring all
quasi estates tail and remainder in those parts of lands of Burrishoole held
under covenant from the earl of Altamont. This settlement was to be guaranteed
by Sir John Blake and Edward Price of Kilroot in County Antrim esq., Connel
O’Donel of Seamount in the County of Mayo Esq. and Peter Digges La Touche of
Pembroke Street in the City of Dublin Esq.. The purpose of this settlement was
to make provision by way of jointure for Dame Arabella O’Donel. It granted to
Josias Dunn and Alexander Richey all lands that were unsold after the first
settlement was completed with the remainder to the use of Sir Hugh James Moore
O'Donel for life. If Dame Arabella O’Donel should survive Sir Hugh she should
receive an annuity of £1000 per annum. A portion or portions of £10000 for a
younger child or children should also be secured. A court case in regard to
this settlement was finalised with an award of £10000 to daughter Arabella and
£1000 per annum to Dame Arabella for a total of eleven years amounting to
£21,000 in total settlement.
Arrears
were already starting to build up on the estate before the death of Hugh James
Moore O’Donel. When he died on 28 July 1828 there was then due to him in rent
£1994 19s 6d from the Newport estate and £1283 3s 1d from the Cong estate. A
Receiver was appointed in 1829 and received £1222 5s 11d from the Newport and
£780 19s 3d from the Cong estate making together £2003 5s 2d leaving a balance
of £1274 17s 5d which the receiver stated to be insolvent. Also when Hugh James
Moore O’Donel died there was an arrear of head rent due to the marquis of Sligo
amounting to £6000, £1470 of this had accrued from the time when Sir Hugh
inherited the estate from his father.
The
marriage settlement of Richard Annesley O’Donel was made on 15 April 1831 with
George Clendenning of Westport in County Mayo Esq. and Mary Clendenning
spinster third daughter of George Clendenning. Sir Richard, who was ignorant of
the contents of the marriage settlement of his brother Hugh James Moore O’Donel
of May 1828 as he had not been shown them, wished to provide a jointure for his
future wife and secure portions for his younger children. He wished to provide
Mary Clendenning a jointure of £600 during her life if she should survive him
with power to increase this to £1000. He also wished to secure a portion or
portions for younger children when it should be ascertained that he had power
so to do either under the settlement of 1798 or that of 1828. He agreed with
George Clendenning that in consideration of the £5000 he had received as a
marriage portion if he had power under these two settlements he would charge
his estates with a jointure for his wife Mary of not less than £600 but not
exceeding £1000. He would also convey the estate to trustees to be named by
George Clendenning for a term not to exceed 99 years to better secure the
estate to provide a portion or portions for the younger child or children
daughter or daughters of the intended marriage.
Apart
from the legal proceedings concerned with deeds and encumbrances several cases
were taken against Sir Neal O'Donel.
A simple loan of £900, which was to be repaid by annuity of £120, for the life
of the first Sir Neal, resulted in a large amount of correspondence. Legal
proceedings and fees and further settlements followed the death of some of the
principals involved in the annuity or the sale of their share in it. Charles
Jacob Bannister in a case taken in 1805 received an award against Sir Neal of
£1680, which had been paid off by 1813.
The
drawing up of these wills, indentures and settlements and subsequent court
cases resulted in some sizeable bills from solicitors and barristers. In 1807
£436 6s 7d was paid
and in 1812 £62 0s 8d.
The effect of all of these court cases and various marriage settlements and
widows’ jointures placed a severe drain on the estate. This combined with a
decline in agricultural prices, and therefore rental income, resulted in the
O’Donel estate being placed in receivership under the control of the Court of
Chancery in 1829. Alexander and George Clendenning, brothers in law of Sir
Richard who had previously been his land agents, had been appointed Receivers.
The amounts that Alexander Clendenning found to be still owing from the estate
in 1832 are listed below (Appendix 1).
The Famine and the accumulated incumbrances had put the estate under a further
severe financial burden. In 1849 Sir Richard O’Donel owed the Bank of Ireland
£20,000.
There
had been a dispute between the Clendennings about the amount of money that they
had collected from the estate which caused court proceedings to be initiated
and the Clendennings were eventually declared bankrupt. As part of the
settlement of the court case between the Clendennings and Sir Richard the flax
and Corn Mills situate at the town of Newport were to be made over to a Mr
Ritchie an assignee of the Clendennings. Sir Richard would also endeavour to
get the assignees paid out of the funds produced by the sale of his estates in
the Incumbered Estates Court.
Sir Richard would also give a lease
for ever of the land where George Clendenning built a premises known as the
Dispensary. He would also agree to pay to Alexander and George Clendenning
£4000, owed to them. Sir Richard also agreed to limit his wife’s jointure to
£600 and the settlement for his younger children to £3000. He should then sign over all his estate except
his personal property to Michael Murphy of Rathmines in the County of Dublin
Esq., the official assignee appointed in the bankruptcy of George and Alexander
Clendenning. No proceedings should be taken against Lady Arabella O’Donel in
relation to her jointure without the written consent of Sir Richard Annesley
O’Donel. The Mansion House and Demesne of Newport and lands adjacent should be
left in the possession of Sir Richard Annesley O’Donel and his family until all
other portions of his estate had been sold.
As Sir Richard wished to repurchase some of his estate from the Incumbered
Estates Court, it was agreed that Michael Murphy should divide the estate into
parcels to be sold that would enable Sir Richard to purchase those parts that
he desired. The estate was sold in the Incumbered Estates Court on several
different days as it was broken into several different portions and lots. These
are outlined in Appendix 2.
The
Incumbered Estates Act was passed in 1849. Under its terms, a tribunal known as
the Incumbered Estates' Commission was established. Any estates to be sold had
to be incumbered, and could only be sold without the consent of the owner if
the level of debt was greater than half its annual income, or the estate was in
receivership. The sale of estates in fee, leaseholds in perpetuity, and viable
leases of which at least sixty years were unexpired, all came within the
Commission's remit. But the most attractive feature of this legislation was the
fact that it conferred on the purchaser a parliamentary or indefeasible title.
Proceedings taken before the Commission were also very much quicker than comparable
procedures taken in the Court of Chancery.
Various
charges were made on the land of the estate in the 1840s. Church tithes were
levied on property with a value of greater than £4 and were paid by the tenant.
The county cess was also paid by the tenant except that portion that was
chargeable on wasteland that had not been leased by the landlord and in that
case the landlord was responsible for its payment. This amounted in 1843 to £9
15s 5d on the Burrishoole estate. Another charge on the estate was quit rent,
which in 1843 amounted to £29 2s. Poor rates were a charge that was levied on
the landlord but he usually included this as part of the rent. Problems arose
however when the rent was in default and the landlord still owed the poor rate.
In 1843 the poor rate amounted to £101 8s 8d on the Newport estate and £15 3s
5d on the Cong estate.
III
The
O’Donels regarded themselves as a great Mayo family. Some married into other
great Mayo families but most of them went outside the county to find brides. Not
only did marriages create bonds between the O’Donels and other families but
also they often provided an injection of much needed capital into the estate.
During the period of this study, it does not appear that any land was acquired
as part of a marriage settlement but George Clendenning O'Donel, son of Richard
Annesley O’Donel and Mary Clendenning, inherited from his father-in-law, Euseby
Stratford Kirwan, his estate in County Longford in 1870.
Sir
Neal married Mary, daughter of William Coane of Ballyshannon. The O’Donel
family were therefore maintaining their links with Donegal. James Shiel who was
also from Ballyshannon was one of the guarantors of the Indenture between the
Medlicotts and Sir Neal O’Donel.
Sir
Neal’s son Hugh married Alice Hutchinson of Ballylickey Co. Cork. Hugh, was
lieutenant colonel of the South Mayo Militia who were stationed in Dunmanway in
County Cork in January 1795 under his command.
This is probably where he met Alice Hutchinson. She was regarded as a great
heiress that brought a marriage settlement with her of £20000, which was most
welcome in the financially strapped O’Donel estate.
However it has been stated that she was the illegitimate daughter of Massey
Hutchinson of Mount Massey, County Cork.
Sir
Neal’s son James Moore married Deborah Camac. And his third son Neal married
Catherine Annesley the third daughter of Lord Richard Annesley one of his
majesties Privy Counsel of Annesley Lodge in the County of Dublin.
His fourth son Connel married Mary and died in 1840.
Sir
Neal the younger’s son Hugh James Moore married Arabella Blake daughter of John
Blake of Menlo Castle, Galway. Menlo Castle was the scene of much high living
in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. Sir John Blake the twelfth
baronet is said to have been made an MP to give him immunity from his
creditors. According to the story, when he had been duly elected, his
constituents came in a body to Menlo and called him ashore from the boat in
which he was sitting in order to avoid two process servers who were waiting for
him on the riverbank.
Sir
Neal the younger’s son Richard Annesley married Mary Clendenning of Westport,
the daughter of George Clendenning, the agent for Lord Sligo. She fixed her
dowry as her weight in gold, which she improved by concealing two smoothing
irons in her dress when she was weighed.
Settlements
may also have gone out of the estate at the time of marriage of daughters and
several deeds specify the amount to be provided to a daughter on her marriage.
In his will Sir Neal the elder specified that his four granddaughters should
receive £1000 each. The interest on this amount should be used for their
education and on their marriage or attaining the age of twenty-one they should
receive the principal amount.
Sir
Neal the elder had four daughters. Maria married Dodwell Browne of Rehins. He
belonged to a branch of the Browne family of Mayo, which also included Lord
Altamont of Westport, the Brownes of Breaffy, Castlebar, and the Browne family
of Castlemagarret among whom was the MP Dominick Browne. Margaret married Sir
Capel Molyneux also an MP who lived at Castle Dillon Co Armagh. The other
daughters were Catherine and Isabella. He also had a third son Neal O’Donel who
was placed in a lunatic asylum in 1843.
IV
Part
of the prestige associated with being a great landowner was building for one
self a great house and this too imposed costs on the estate. The O’Donels
improved their environment by building not one but two houses for themselves.
The first house that they lived in was about a mile outside the town of Newport
in Melcomb. The house was originally known as Seamount and was added to
considerably over the time that the O’Donels lived in it. The first to live in
it was Sir Neal’s father Hugh. In one of the O’Donel rent rolls Samuel O’Donel
is listed as living at Seamount.
In 1781 a lease for ever of Seamount House was made to Connolly Coane brother
of Sir Neal’s wife Mary.
In 1798 a lease was made to James Moore O’Donel, second son of Sir Neal of
Seamount House and eight acres of land.
When Sir Neal the younger and later Sir Richard inherited Newport House, Sir
Neal the younger’s brother Connel lived at Seamount.
In his last will of 13 October 1840 Connel O’Donel left all his property after
the decease of his wife Mary to Sir Richard. In 1846 Captain John Nugent of the
Revenue Police is listed as living in Seamount in Slater’s Directory . In 1860 George Clendenning O’Donel
was living in Seamount House.
After
a few years in residence, the O’Donels decided to build a larger house for
themselves in the town of Newport. The house was described by Mark Bence-Jones
as:
A two story house of
different periods of Georgian; with a front of five bays between 2 three sided
bows and a higher wing at right angles which has an elevation of four bays and
a shallow curved bow. Handsome staircase hall with wide arches and plasterwork
of 1820s; stairs of wood, with balustrade of plain slender uprights; curving
gallery.
The O’Donels spent large amounts of money in the upkeep of
their houses and also repairs to tenants houses. In 1843 £43 was spent on
repairs to William Bland’s house in Clogher, £265 on repairs to Melcomb House
and £80 on the demesne wall and nursery of Newport House. Improvements were
also made to the wool store, Newport Hotel, the wall retaining the Shramore
river and drainage was carried out on Nurse Joyce’s holding and in the townland
of Kiltarnet. Improvements and maintenance of the Gate House cost £54. In this
year the amount of rents received was
£6879 12s 10d from the Newport Estate,
£2500 17s 3d from the Cong Estate and £459 8s 7d from the Clogher
Estate.
Not only did the O’Donel’s improve their own houses they also
considerably improved the town. Lewis in 1837 states
The
pier was erected at the expense of Sir R. A. O'Donel and some of the merchants
of the town; the quays are extensive and commodious, and accessible to vessels
of 200 tons' burden, which can be moored in safety alongside and take in or
deliver their cargoes at all times of the tide, and within a few hundred yards
may lie at anchor in perfect security. The channel is safe, and the harbour
very commodious: the entrance into the bay, which is called Clew, Newport, or
Westport bay, is spacious and direct; and within it are numerous islets and
rocks, between which, on each side, are several good roadsteads, capable of
accommodating large vessels, with good anchorage in from two to six fathoms.
and
Mr and Mrs Hall writing in 1840
a
few years back Newport was little better than a collection of hovels , and a
modern traveller in 1839 complains bitterly that he was domiciled in an ugly
mean-looking pothouse, redolent of sour beer and effete whiskey punch , the bed
chamber of which was small frouze and unclean . He adds however that Newport was
intended to be a better town and a better town it is now. The hotel is neat and
comfortable, the cars are good, several pretty houses have been built along the
quay and some large storehouses ‘ in progress’ indicate increasing prosperity.
At the quay a vessel of four or five hundred tons may unload. The town and a
vast district to the west of it, including nearly the whole of the island of
Achill are the property of Sir Richard O’Donnel.
V
The O’Donel family being among the resident gentry were
almost all appointed to positions either as Justices of the Peace or High
Sheriffs.
Before the purchase of the estate by the O’Donels, James Moore had been
appointed local deputy for affairs of the Admiralty.
In 1815 Connel O’Donel was the High Constable of the Barony of Burrishoole.
There was a certain amount of negotiation between the resident gentry for
nominations to these positions and there is a letter from Lord Sligo to Sir
Richard O’Donel requesting his permission to nominate a certain person for sub
sheriff for the county of Mayo.
Involvement
in the military and in politics were ways in which landed families could
increase their status and prestige in society. Several of the O’Donels were
members of the South Mayo Militia. Sir Neal’s eldest son, Hugh, was lieutenant
colonel of the South Mayo Militia and Colonel of the 100th Regiment of the
Line. The South Mayo Militia were stationed in Dunmanway in County Cork in
January 1795 under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Hugh O’Donel. His fellow
officers were Lieutenant John Browne, Lieutenant Dennis Browne and Second
Master John Browne. There were also fifty enlisted men in the contingent. In
1798 the numbers in the militia had increased, there were 110 men under the
command of Lieutenant Colonel Hugh O’Donel during the month of April 1798, for
which he was paid £23 17s 6d. There was also a larger contingent of 120 under
the command of Colonel D G Browne for which he was paid £33 15s 0d for the
month of April.
Within twelve months Hugh O’Donel had been dismissed from the militia for his
anti - Union views.
Following the landing of the French in Killala in 1798, a contingent of the
French troops was stationed for a while in Newport under Captain Boudet but
neither Sir Neal O'Donel nor his sons were in Newport at this time. Sir Neal
O'Donel was at Athlone and his four sons were serving with their regiments.
A
Court-martial was held at Castlebar on charges made by the Reverend John
Benton, protestant chaplain to the South Mayo Militia and others against Captain
James Moore O'Donel and his brother Lieutenant Connel O’Donel. Evidence was
given that Captain James Moore O'Donel stepped forward at Castlebar as advocate
to two known rebels, Crump and Gibbons and also backed another rebel Denis
McGuire and that several known rebels were serving as members of the Newport
Cavalry and Infantry. Another rebel, James Kelly, had encouraged support for
the United Irishmen but still remained a member of the Infantry Corps.
Lieutenant Connel O'Donel was asked to ensure that Kelly would appear before
the local court on charges of sedition but in the meanwhile Kelly absconded.
The court met at Castlebar on Monday 1 December 1800 and members of the court
were Major Wetherington of the 9th Dragoons, Major Graham of the Royal Meath
Militia and Major Frazer of the Frazer Fencibles.
Reverend Benton
stated that in 1798 Newport Pratt was considered to be the sink of rebellion
but it appeared that neither Captain O’Donel, who was a magistrate and a yeoman
officer nor any of his family came forward as loyal men or prosecuted to
conviction one rebel leader. The Tree of Liberty was planted in the town by a
yeoman of the name of Gibbons who was convicted on the clearest testimony but
escaped from prison. Captain O'Donel found in the house of Gibbons a hat
decorated with a profusion of green ribbon, the emblem of disloyalty and found
among his papers sufficient evidence to hang him but did not produce this at
the trial of Gibbons or give evidence himself.
Captain
O'Donel met the lord lieutenant in Athlone and told him that the French were in
possession of the town of Tuam knowing this not to be true. This delayed the
progress of the king's troops for one whole day. Another charge against Captain
O'Donel was that a rebel called James Gordon was heard to say by John Wallis
and Richard Davis that Captain O'Donel had spent the six weeks before the
French landed at Killala going from one corps of United Irishmen to the next
telling them that they would soon be relieved. Joseph Kenning of Newport, a yeoman
and an Orangeman, was sent for by Sir Neal O'Donel and asked was he an
Orangeman. Anthony Wilkes swore that Lieutenant Connel O'Donel called the
yeoman off parade into the market house and asked them to separately swear they
were not Orangemen, which Kenning refused to do. Lieutenant O'Donel had rushed
at James Wilks with a drawn sword for playing ' The Protestant Boys ' and swore
the tune should never be played in Newport.
The
court also heard that Lieutenant O'Donel frequently on parade read letters from
Captain James Moore O'Donel MP wherein the Captain boasted that in parliament
he was pulling down the Orange badges. The court decided after hearing the
evidence that Dr Benton had failed to prove the allegations and that Captain
James Moore O'Donel and Lieutenant Connel O'Donel had fully exculpated
themselves from any imputation of disloyalty or want of zeal in their duty as
magistrates and officers.
After
the defeat of the '98 insurgents, James Moore O'Donel who had been educated at
Lincoln’s Inns and was called to the Irish Bar in 1789,
arrested scores of rebels and then when they came up for trial went to
extraordinary lengths to defend them from the gallows. In Oct 1799 when Colonel
Hugh O'Donel died he had been offered an earldom (earl of Achill) and a large
sum of money for his support of the Union but he died as he had lived - an
Irish gentleman.
Politics played a significant part in the life of the
landed gentry. Colonel Hugh O'Donel and Captain James Moore O'Donel
were both MPs in Grattan's Parliament. Hugh was Burgess for Donegal Borough and
James Moore for Rathoath Borough, County Meath. The O'Donels were the first
members of their family to seek parliamentary honours and entered parliament
with the set purpose of offering a persistent and determined opposition to the
forcing the Act of Union through Parliament.
In
the debate on union at the opening session of parliament in 1799 Colonel Hugh
O'Donel stated
There is no person in
or out of this House who can be more anxious for supporting the closest
connection between England and Ireland than I have been or ever shall. I have
fought to preserve it from being interrupted by external and internal foes; but
should the legislative independence of Ireland be voted away by a Parliament
which is not competent therewith I shall hold myself discharged of my
allegiance and I will join the people in preserving their rights. I will oppose
the rebels in rich clothes as I have ever done the rebels in rags .If my
opposition to it in this house shall not be successful I will oppose it in the
field.
Both Hugh O’Donel and James Moore O’Donel
voted against the Union in 1799, but Hugh was dead before the vote was taken in
1800 when James Moore again voted against but he himself was also dead the
following year.
He was vehemently opposed to the Union and in one of the wilder anti-Union
speeches declared that: ‘if the
Parliament of Ireland should be mean enough to vote away the legislative
independence of Ireland, the people of Ireland would not be mean enough to
submit to it, they would assert their rights, die as freemen rather than live
as slaves. I have made up my mind what my conduct shall be – I shall either
live free or fall by cut six of some Hessian sabre or other foreign mercenary.’
On 6 June 1800, he moved the Union Bill instead of being engrossed should be
burnt.
Dominick
Browne MP was particularly friendly with Sir Richard O’Donel and there is a
large amount of correspondence in the O’Donel papers between them both
politically and socially. Browne wrote to Sir Richard about Repeal of the Act
of Union, with details of his speech in the Mayo Constitution.
He also wrote as to how the Mayo landlords should vote, as to extending voting
rights to Catholics, with mention of Daniel O Connell.
Lord Sligo who was also an MP wrote to Sir Richard O’Donel refusing Sir
Richard’s request to nominate Daniel O Connel to a committee of the House of
Commons.
Dominick Browne wrote to Sir Richard O’Donel on a more personal note, from the
House of Commons in 1830, congratulating him on his impending marriage to Mary
Clendenning.
He also wrote to Sir Richard inviting him to bring his sisters to visit
Castlemagarret, Dominick Browne’s home outside Claremorris. It is interesting
to speculate if one of them subsequently married Dominick Browne.
VI
Religion
played a big part in the life of the O’Donel family. Sir Neal the elder and his
father Hugh had converted to the Protestant faith in 1763. During the greater
part of the eighteenth century the influence of the penal laws were a constant
menace to Catholics. Their influence was felt particularly strongly in Connacht
because there were more Catholic freeholders there than anywhere else. The
result was that a large proportion of the Catholic land-owning families changed
their allegiance at some time or other during the century. The names and dates
were recorded in the official convert rolls, and show that many families
remained Catholic until the second half of the century. There was a steady
drain, which gradually undermined the Catholic position and left a much reduced
but still appreciable number of Catholic land-owning families that still kept
the old faith by the end of the century. There were various reasons for
individual changes, but most of them were connected with property rather than
religious conviction. Probably the chief reason was the wish to keep the estate
together instead of allowing it to be divided among a number of children. If
the eldest son turned Protestant he could inherit the entire estate, and many
of the converts were eldest sons. A French traveller in Connacht at the end of
the century formed the opinion that many of those who had conformed had done so
in case a relative should turn Protestant and claim the estate while others had
conformed in order to become members of parliament.
In the parish of Burrishoole there were
congregations of Church of Ireland, Roman Catholic, Methodist and Presbyterian.
Sir Richard O’Donel became a member of a sect similar to the Plymouth Brethren
called the Darbyites and a conventicle was set up in Newport.
John Wesley visited Newport every other year between 1756 and 1767 in the hope
of setting up a congregation but did not return after 1767 when one had not
been set up.
VII
Between
the middle of the eighteenth and the middle of the nineteenth century the
O’Donel family fortune collapsed in the face of accumulating debts. Because
credit came so easily to landowners many of the Irish gentry mortgaged their
estates to the hilt in order to impress others with their ability to afford not
only the necessities but also the luxuries of the social season. By means of
loans scattered among various creditors, some of whom were relatives and others
professional money lenders, owners could continue to maintain a privileged
lifestyle long after their rental income had ceased to pay the bigger bills.
When crop failures or depressions occurred, landowners who had mortgaged their
properties to the legal limit found it well nigh impossible to pay their
interest instalments due twice a year.
This chapter has shown the decline
in fortunes over time of the O’Donel family. As L.P. Curtis jr. states
Solvency is the
product of a constant interplay between annual rental income and the myriad
expenses of running an estate and maintaining the lifestyle appropriate to a
landed gentleman. Landlords receiving an annual remittance or profit from their
estates of at least 30 per cent of the rents received after the agent had paid
all the bills and costs of incumbrances, should be considered solvent. Any
amount less than this would have made it difficult for a gentleman dependent on
rental income to keep himself and his family in the manner appropriate to his
social standing.
The
first chapter has examined the origin growth and decline of the O’Donel estate
from the purchase of the estate in 1788 to the sale in 1852. The main factors
in the decline were financial involving extensive borrowing and settlements
made on marriages of daughters and to younger sons of the family. This was not
matched by a corresponding growth in income over time. This increased
indebtedness led finally to the sale of most of the estate in the Incumbered
Estates Court. The economy of the estate as its capacity to yield income was
therefore crucial to the history of the O’Donel estate in the nineteenth
century. This chapter examines how the decrease in agricultural prices
following the ending of the Napoleonic War, the subsequent decline in the local
linen industry and the inability of the tenants to pay their rents all
contributed to the financial difficulties of the estate.
This
chapter will look at the change in the economy of the estate over time
concentrating on the Newport estate in Burrishoole. The rural economy was based
on livestock and three crops, corn, potatoes and flax. Statistics are available
for livestock numbers in the parish in 1851, but whether these were greatly
decreased from those before the Famine is not known. Potatoes were grown as in
many other parts of the West of Ireland for subsistence and with this readily
available form of nutrition and the two cash crops corn and flax producing an
adequate income for the tenants, the population in Mayo rose dramatically from
293,112 in 1821 to 388,887 in 1841 an increase of 32.7 per cent.
The
economy of the Newport estate was not based solely on the rural areas and
agricultural production. Captain Pratt, the first land agent of the Medlicotts,
had founded the town of Newport Pratt which was named after him. Following the
purchase of the estate by Sir Neal O’Donel the town was further developed and
acted as the centre of administration of the estate. The O’Donels had built
themselves a large landlord house in keeping with their status in the community
and there were several churches established in the town. The town having been
built on a river, a port had been established and subsequent to this fairs and
markets. This brought money into the town from the tolls and customs of the
fairs and also from the money received for exports of corn through the port.
The town was also a centre of government administration in the locality having
a courthouse and military and police barracks. Although a large amount of the
spinning and weaving of linen took place in the rural parts of the parish,
there were also a large number of weavers living in the town and a street was
subsequently called Weavers Row. Leases were issued to encourage trades people
to settle in the town. As well as the linen based industries, there was a
straw-hat manufactory set up.
I
An
examination of the rural economy of the estate starts by looking at how the
estate was divided and rented out to tenants. There
were 125 townlands in the parish of Burrishoole, County Mayo in 1841. Sir
Richard O’Donel was by far the biggest landlord in the parish. He owned
sixty-nine townlands. The other major landlords in the parish were the marquis
of Sligo, who lived in Westport seven miles from Newport and Sir William Palmer
who lived for part of the year in Kenure Park, Rush, County Dublin and the
remainder of the year on his estates in England. They each owned fifteen
townlands in the parish. Colonel Gore
lived in Beleek Manor, Ballina, County Mayo and owned twelve townlands.
The
townland because of its size, association with family and with home place
remains the most intimate and enduring of the land divisions in Ireland.
Through repeated usage in land surveys and property transactions from the
seventeenth century onwards, the townland gradually replaced all earlier units
and in the nineteenth century was chosen by government as the basic
administrative unit for the purpose of land valuation and census of population.
In the parish of Burrishoole all townlands were only owned by one head landlord,
although there were some cases of middlemen subletting. The ownership of the
townlands in the parish is shown in Fig. 1.
The acreage of land held by individual landowners again showed
O’Donel to be the major landholder with 29,787 acres in the parish of Burrishoole
in 1841. The marquis of Sligo had 8135 acres, Colonel Gore 5496 and Sir William
Palmer 1914 acres. Sir Richard O’Donel also had the majority of tenants with
6,413 with 1,637 paying rent to the marquis of Sligo and 1,585 to Colonel Gore.
Sir William Palmer had 695 tenants. The percentage of population in the parish
by landlord is shown in Fig. 2 and the percentage of land owned in the parish
of Burrishoole by the four major landlords in Fig.3.
C:\history\sources\thesis\images\Tnlndod.ai
Figure 1 The ownership of the townlands in the parish of
Burrishoole
Figure 2 Percentage of land owned in the Parish of Burrishoole by
the four major landlords.
Figure 3 Percentage of tenants renting from the four major
landlords in the parish of Burrishoole 1851.
|
|
Min
|
Max
|
Count
|
Mean
|
Std Dev
|
Mode
|
|
Griffiths 1857
|
IR£4.65
|
IR£202.45
|
69
|
IR£55.51
|
IR£36.57
|
IR£45.50
|
|
Total Population 1841
|
11
|
271
|
69
|
92.94
|
61.73
|
83
|
|
Total population 1851
|
0
|
217
|
69
|
46.78
|
45.43
|
35
|
|
Per cent decline
|
-13.04%
|
100.00%
|
69
|
|
|
48.05%
|
|
Acres
|
39
|
4453
|
69
|
431.70
|
769.75
|
164
|
|
Value pence per acre
|
2.09
|
542.00
|
69
|
90.52
|
85.76
|
79.64
|
|
1851 population per acre
|
0.00
|
0.81
|
69
|
0.26
|
0.20
|
0.2
|
|
1851 value per population in pence
|
0.00
|
824.45
|
69
|
222.51
|
176.42
|
215.25
|
|
Number of Leases
|
0
|
10
|
69
|
1.59
|
2.27
|
1
|
|
Per cent of Leases with non native
names
|
0.00%
|
100.00%
|
69
|
|
|
0.00%
|
|
Per cent of Leases with more than
one name
|
0.00%
|
100.00%
|
69
|
|
|
0.00%
|
|
1841 population per acre
|
0.00
|
1.70
|
69
|
0.57
|
0.38
|
0.57
|
|
1841 value per population in pence
|
49.48
|
1413.91
|
69
|
208.76
|
241.68
|
136.06
|
|
Arrears 1805
|
0.00%
|
100.00%
|
47
|
|
|
0.00%
|
|
Arrears 1816
|
0.00%
|
299.20%
|
49
|
|
|
40.29%
|
|
Arrears 1823
|
0.00%
|
320.23%
|
46
|
|
|
85.13%
|
|
Arrears 1824
|
0.00%
|
420.23%
|
47
|
|
|
103.19%
|
|
1816 Rent for townland as a
percentage of 1805
|
0.00%
|
998.37%
|
47
|
|
|
100.41%
|
|
1823 Rent for townland as a
percentage of 1805
|
0.00%
|
827.57%
|
47
|
|
|
100.41%
|
|
1816 Surnames still in townland as
a percentage of 1805
|
0.00%
|
100.00%
|
39
|
|
|
87.00%
|
|
1823 Surnames still in townland as
a percentage of 1805
|
0.00%
|
100.00%
|
39
|
|
|
66.00%
|
|
1857 Surnames still in townland as
a percentage of 1805
|
0.00%
|
100.00%
|
43
|
|
|
66.00%
|
Figure 4 Calculations of the Mean, Mode , Min, Max, and Standard
Variation for several variables associated with different townlands in the
Parish Of Burrishoole owned by Sir Richard O’Donel
Material
available in the O’Donel papers in the National Library included rent rolls and
arrears from 1774 to 1844 during the period under study.
There were also a total of 216 leases issued by the O’Donel family for the
parish of Burrishoole.
Population for the different townlands for 1841 and 1851 was obtained from the
respective censuses
and acreage and valuation from Griffiths Valuation.
The population was higher in the smaller more valuable townlands. Carrowkeel
consisted of eighty-seven acres and had a population in 1841 of 173, Corraunboy
had a population of 129 on seventy-six acres and Camcloon had a population of
125 on eighty-three acres. This was contrasted with Oghilees having a
population of six on 842 acres, Derrybrock with nine on 1309 acres and
Glennamong with twenty-two on 4453 acres. The higher concentration of
population was associated with much better soil quality in these areas. The
size of a townland is usually associated with the richness of the soil. The
land in the three largest townlands in the parish is also the poorest. Oghilees
had a valuation of 1.2p per acre, Derrybrock 2.6p per acre and Glennamong 0.4p
per acre. While the more heavily
populated townlands of Carrowkeel, Corraunboy and Camcloon had a valuation of
38p, 40p and 22p per acre. After the famine extensive grazing farms were
established for example a whole townland, Glenamadoo, of 2,045 acres was let to
one tenant Henry J Smith.
Examination of the leases and rent
rolls in the O’Donel papers gives a picture of the way land was rented in the
estate. A large percentage of the leases were made out to a single leasee and
entries in the rent rolls were to single name leasees in many of the townlands.
However this does not preclude the possibility that the immediate lessor might
have sublet the land, although in some of the later leases a penalty clause was
inserted to prevent this. In some townlands land was not rented in severalty as
a farm held by individuals but to a group of tenants. Unlike other areas of
Ireland, Mayo had been relatively untouched by the enclosure of common fields.
Land allocation among villagers was accomplished by a complex system of
usufruct rights, which tended to produce a fragmented and subdivided pattern of
land use. As with partible inheritance systems, Mayo's rundale (runrig) tenure
allowed most individuals to have access to some land, no matter how limited in
acreage. Such a system was predisposed to absorbing an increasingly pauperised
tenantry in the context of demographic growth. Land rented by rundale was usually entered in
the rent roll as ‘& Co’. Those who rented together were mostly interrelated
and lived in tightly huddled groups of houses called clachans. Each clachan
appointed a head man. De Tocqueville on his visit to Newport in 1835 remarked
‘The parish has 11,000 inhabitants living in 100 hamlets.’
Apart from 1,285 living in the town of Newport the majority of the remainder of
the occupants lived in these hamlets or clachans.
The land involved was an open field system (infield/outfield). Each family
might have as many as thirty fragmented lots depending on the quality and
location of arable and grazing land. The plots were unfenced but were marked by
stones or by making a small ridge known as a caolog. The unique feature of the
system was that ownership was rotated among the families every three years.
The outfield, which consisted of large expanses of blanket peat bog and
mountain ‘wasteland’, was generally grazed in common by village co-tenants.
The head man held the lease from the landlord and was therefore responsible for
the collection and payment of all rents. He also acted as a mediator in
disputes. The land was not divided equally among all the occupants of the
clachan however. Those with the most capital got a larger proportion of land
and usually the more desirable portions.
The unit of measurement was based not on area but on grazing capacity, the
grazing for a cow was known as a collop. The amount of cattle a tenant was
allowed to graze on the mountain pasture was linked to the size of his tillage
area. On Clare Island in the nineteenth century eight dry sheep were deemed
equivalent of a cow in grazing terms.
The tillage collop was not measured by area but by fertility of the soil and
was supposed to be capable of supporting one family by its produce.
In
identifying the townlands where rundale was practised note was made of all
entries where ‘& Co’ was entered but joint tenancies with just two names
were not included. In some cases entries with ‘& Co’ were made in townlands
which also had a large amount of individual leases. This was probably not true
rundale but a group of tenants renting collectively. There were forty-four
townlands in the O’Donel estate in the parish where rundale renting took place
in 1839.
In most cases the head man decided who in the clachan paid the rent on which
portion of infield and not all portions allocated were of the same size.
Likewise with the outfield, the number of animals that could be put on the
common grazing by each of the tenants renting in common would be decided by the
portion of the rent they were paying.
In
1824 an assignation of the grazing for the townland of Glendahurk which
consisted of 1455 acres of mostly mountainy land showed that the rent for a
calf’s grazing for the year was 2 shillings. A quarter which was the grazing
for a cow was 3 shillings. There were several shares that were not made up of
multiples of these amounts, for example Martin Grady had a share of 5s 4d and
Pat Cusack 9s 4d. This is probably due to the grazing for a sheep being 8d, in
which case Grady would have the grazing for eight sheep and Cusack for
fourteen. Some of the tenants who had grazed animals in Glendahurk had come
quite a distance, Cusack coming from the townland of Cloggernagh in the
neighbouring parish of Addergoole. In 1805 Mr Dodwell Browne had been renting
the whole townland at an annual rent of £92 but when he fell into arrears the
lease reverted to Sir Richard O’Donel.
County Mayo was the only county in Ireland
where rundale remained the predominant form of tenure in 1845. In the poor law
unions of Ballina, Swinford and Westport alone, 364,603 acres were held in
common or joint tenancy. Similarly the greater part of the union of Castlebar
union was held in common. Nearly 40 per cent of the rental income of Newport
landlord Sir Richard O'Donel’s estate in Achill Island and Burrishoole came
from such tenants. Such a high concentration of heavily populated settlements
meant that Mayo was particularly vulnerable to crop failure in 1845. The lower
classes also included landless agricultural labourers who held small plots of
potato ground or conacre from a farmer at fixed rent, payable in work.
Labourers earned no money and relied exclusively on the potato for food.
The
1851 census has details of the agricultural holdings in the Barony of
Burrishoole. 63 per cent of holdings were less than fifteen acres. There were a
total of 3,445 holdings in the barony and 700 of these were under five acres.
Only nine per cent were greater than thirty acres. There were a total of 1197
horses and the majority of these were kept on farms of between five and thirty
acres. There were also twenty five mules and 718 donkeys. It was more than
likely that a farm over thirty acres had a horse while those over two hundred
acres probably had two. On the five to fifteen acre farms where almost sixty
percent of the donkeys were owned there was only thirty percent of farmers
owned a donkey. There were a total of 10,906 cattle and again the majority of
these were on the five to thirty acre holdings which made up 62 percent of
total holdings, but 1834 cattle were on farms between 100 and 500 acres that
only made up 2.7 per cent of the holdings. Farmers with five acres or less
would only have one cow while the farmer with a hundred acres had ten cows and
the seventeen landholders having more than five hundred acres had on average
forty eight cattle. There were 7165 sheep and 52 per cent of these were on
farms between fifteen and one hundred acres. There were 1611 pigs and 45 per
cent of these were kept on farms between five and fifteen acres. Other animals
kept were 785 goats, 21,232 chickens almost 9000 of these were kept on the five
to fifteen acre holdings which made up 43 per cent of total holdings. A farmer
on a holding of one acre or less was likely to have just four hens, while those
having fifteen acres or more would have eight.
II
A
lease in 19 Oct 1706 by Sir Henry Bingham of Castlebar to Owen O Malley of
Burrishoole of the four quarters of Burrishoole, specified that the lessee and
his undertenants had to grind their corn and grain at Ballyvaughan mills, and
to thicken their cloth at Ballyvaughan tuck mill, under penalty of 2s 6d for
each default, and to do suit at the manor of Burrishoole lordship.
The lessees of the mill are also described in seven leases and there is also a
considerable correspondence with McAdam and Carroll the manufacturers of the
mill equipment.
The mill was rented by Richard Lendrum from the Medlicotts in 1777 at a rent of
£25 13s 6d.
The possibility of a rival mill being set up in the parish is mentioned in a
lease of land from John Arbuthnot to Lieutenant Colonel Wilford in 1792. John
Arbuthnot had been an Inspector for the Irish Linen Board and he must have felt
in his retirement that he would like to establish a linen mill on his property
in West Mayo. Included in the lease of the land of Carrowsallagh to Wilford was
a clause specifying he had a right to quarry enough stones from a quarry on the
leased land to build two houses and a mill. It was also agreed that no weir or
other impediment should be fixed on the stream, which would interrupt the free
passage of the fish or current of the water. The fishing rights on the stream
were granted to Lieutenant Colonel Wilford.
There is no evidence however that this mill was eventually built and John
Arbuthnot died in 1797.
In 1798 George Lendrum,
miller, who was probably Richard’s son, claimed for damages to the
Commissioners for inquiring into the losses sustained by such of his Majesty's
loyal subjects as have suffered in their property by the rebellion.
James McParland mentioned the mill in 1802 in his Statistical survey of
County Mayo when he says that there is one good oat mill in the barony.
George Lendrum was still renting the Mills in 1805
but in 1811 William Ivers was renting them.
In 1838 Sir Richard O’Donel leased the mill together with the right of water to
them to Jonas Swain. The lease, which
was for 41 years, specified that Jonas Swain should within five years of taking
up the lease spend £500 on renovation of the mill. If this were done there
would be a twenty pound abatement of the first years rent of £32 12s. If repairs were not carried out the
lease would only run for 31 years.
In
April 1845 Mary Wilks aged 22 was married to John McNab of Westport who worked
as a slator. Mary was a daughter of Thomas Wilks, a weaver, whose residence was
the mill. Linen was also being processed at the mill at this stage and Thomas
was weaving the yarn that was produced. Two daughters of Charles Naylor, who
also gave his address as the Mill Newport, were married in 1846. Charles gave
his occupation as farmer so he probably lived in one of the mills cottages,
where he worked part time as well as spending the rest of his time looking
after his cattle and maybe cultivating a few fields of flax.
Between
1851 and the late 1870s, the area under grain in Ireland contracted
dramatically. Wheat yields fell by over two-thirds, oats by a little under
three-fifths, and barley by about a third. This reflects the post-Famine
shrinkage in population, and subsequent redeployment of land to animal
husbandry. That is why mills, which were profitable in the 1830s and 1840s, had
become surplus to requirement by the close of the nineteenth century.
III
The form of agriculture practised in the barony was considerably
altered by the Famine. Prior to this flax was extensively cultivated in the
parish of Burrishoole as can be seen by some of the placenames such as
Bleachyard and Weavers Row. James Hack Tuke had remarked in 1847, that the soil
and climate of Connaught were particularly suitable for the growing of flax.
A list of persons paid premiums for sowing flax in 1796, in a scheme run by the
Linen Board, to increase the supply of flax includes several people in the
Newport area. Those listed include Sir Neal O'Donel, who was provided
with a loom. Four spinning wheels were provided to Connor Deveir, Denis Duffey,
Michael Duffey, Michael Geraughty, Thomas Lunskin, Mary Malley, James McDonagh,
Manus McManamon, Edmond Mylett, Claud Nixon, James Nixon, Edmond Nolan,
Dominick O’Donnell, James M. O’Donnell, Owen O’Donnell, Widow O’Donnell, Owen
O’Mally and James Walsh. An account of the arrears of flaxseed also gives
names of those involved in the cultivation of flax.
They may have had to return to Sir Richard O’Donel the same amount of seed at
the end of the growing season that they were given at the beginning of the
year. Unfortunately this is only a partial list and of a total of 727 gallons
in arrears 285 are carried forward from a previous missing page. Those growers
that were not in arrears would also not be included in this list. The growers
of flax that were in arrears are shown in figure 5.
|
Townland
|
Growers in Arrears
|
|
Barrack
Hill
|
John
and Pat Cain
|
|
Bleachyard
|
John
Hester, Edward Killey, Anthony McFadin
|
|
Burrishoole
|
Mark
Dugan and Austin Gallagher
|
|
Callowbrack
|
John
Quinn
|
|
Comploon
|
Pat
Loughnan
|
|
Curranboy
|
Mark
Dugan
|
|
Derrygarrif
|
Pat
Duffy, James Murphy and Thomas Garrevan
|
|
Derryhill
|
Bryan
Golden and John O’Malley
|
|
Derryhillagh
|
John
Brice
|
|
Derrylahan
|
Pat
Berry, Manus Brice, John Cunniff, John Cusack, Edward, Pat, Peter and Thomas
Lavelle, Mathew, James and Widow McGuane, Cormick and James Nolan, William
O’Malley, Edward Quinn, Hugh and Widow Sheridan
|
|
Fauleens
|
Joseph
Clark and Pat Gallagher jr. and Pat Gallagher snr.
|
|
Kiltarnaught
|
Dominick
Heveran and James Limerick jr. and James Limerick snr. and Anthony McGann
|
|
Knockalegan
|
John
Bourke and James Cunny
|
|
Knockbrega
|
Michael,
Pat and Thady Kerrigan as well as John O'Donel
|
|
Knockaneel
|
Myles
Costello
|
|
Knocknagee
|
Hugh
Cleary, Samuel Gorry, Alick Sweeney and Mrs Daniel Sweeney.
|
|
Knockroe
|
Francis
Cavanagh, Pat and William Garrevan and Brian McGuire
|
|
Raugh
|
Frank
Gallagher, Pat McManamon and Daniel Sweeney
|
|
Rossgiblin
|
Pat
Greavan and John Scuffield
|
|
Rossmore
|
Peter
Cunnane, Peter Lavelle and Rodger Sweeney
|
|
Shanballyhugh
|
John
and Michael Lavelle
|
|
Shrafarna
|
Michael
Mullowny and John Corrigan
|
|
Tawnawoggaun
|
Henry
Garrevan, Widow Gibbons and Michael Quinn
|
Figure 5 The growers of flax that were in arrears O’Donel estate in
1822
A large amount of flax was grown in the
townland of Derryloughan. In Knocknagee Hugh Cleary was in arrears for 3
gallons and the largest amount of arrears in this list of 63 gallons was Samuel
Gorry. This would have been enough seed to sow five acres. Also in this townland
was Alick Sweeney owing 31 gallons and Mrs Daniel Sweeney.
Orla
Dempsey in her thesis in 1987 on ‘Quaker
Contribution to Relief in Ballina Co. Mayo during the Great Famine 1845-50’
states that
Previous
to this the Friends in an attempt to diversify employment (seen as the only way
of returning the country to economic prosperity) promoted the growth of flax,
cultivating almost 75 acres themselves on their model farms. This was purchased
by Bernard and Kock of Newport. The latter obviously sufficiently impressed
with the end result, approached the Central Relief Committee with a project
that proposed to establish a factory for the steeping and preparing of flax in
Ballina to be "conducted " by the Hay Brothers and Co. After the
usual consideration was given, the Committee agreed to aid them and advanced a
loan of £500. Knox Gore was now himself involved in the cultivation of flax put
forward a proposal to build a flax-scutching mill to complement Bernard and
Kocks rettery.
Bernard
and Kock, two Swiss gentlemen, were involved in the linen industry at the time
of the Famine with a substantial rettery in Newport. This not only handled the
crop that was grown around Newport but also flax harvested around Ballina a
distance of thirty miles from Newport was transported in order to be retted.
Mayo was particularly suited to growing flax, as the plant thrives in moderate
to cool climates with moist summers. The seeds were sown thickly to minimise
effects of weeds in shallow drills in March or later if the winter had been
hard. When 70-100mm high the crop was carefully weeded. The flax was pulled,
not cut, in late summer or early autumn, when the seeds turned yellow from
green indicating ripeness. After harvesting the plants were laid out in neat
rows on the grass to dry for up to 2 weeks. The seed was then separated from
the stalk in a process called rippling. Next, the outer part of the stalks must
be allowed to decay in order that it might be easily separated from the fibre.
This retting process which was carried out partly by exposure to damp grass and
partially by steeping for about ten days in pools, required delicate judgement;
even a small mistake would mean a serious loss in the value of the flax. After
retting the flax was spread on the grass to further the separation process and
then scutched where sheaves of flax were beaten by a mallet and then by a flat
wooden knife until the fibres resemble threads. The next process was hackling
where the fibres were drawn through the hands and then though a wire brush.
Spinning then took place after which the yarn was then bleached by steeping in
dye and boiling.
The linen industry in Mayo got a welcome boost when John Arbuthnott
who bought property in Carrigahowley, about four miles west of Newport was
offered the post of Inspector-General to the Irish Linen Trade in 1782 and he
did much to promote the linen industry in Connaught.
It is curious that so much flax growing should take place in Connaught, far
away from the centres of weaving and from the Dublin market. In all probability
the peasants in this region turned to flax cultivation because they found it
more difficult to supply either cereals or dairy produce which were staple
goods in the midland and southern counties.
By
the year 1800 the linen trade was flourishing. Flax was extensively grown in
the barony of Burrishoole. Spinning wheels and looms were in every cabin – in
some cabins there were two looms – where they spun and wove pieces of linen for
the regular linen markets at Castlebar and Westport. Towards Westport, in the
barony of Murrisk, it was greatly encouraged by the earl of Altamont, who
established two bleach greens in the neighbourhood. Around Castlebar the local
landowner, Lord Lucan, established three bleach greens as well as setting up a
linen hall there where the linen market was held on Saturday and £500 spent.
Rural industry was favoured by landowners seeking to diversify the incomes of
their tenants and to improve their own profits. The trade brought cash into
rural households, which allowed increases in both land rents (which obtained
only before 1810) and rural population density. In the context of population
growth after 1750, economic survival for smallholders increasingly depended
upon labour intensive production of linen yarn and potatoes.
De
Tocqueville in his tour of Ireland was under the opinion that Lord Altamont had
introduced the linen industry into West Mayo. He found it to consist
principally in spinning flax, which was sent out of the country. There was very
little weaving in West Mayo at this time except for local use of the resulting
cloth. In order to establish the weaving industry Lord Altamont built good
houses in the town of Westport, and let them upon very favourable terms to
weavers, gave them looms, and lent them money to buy yarn. In order to secure
them from manufacturing goods, which they should not be able readily to sell,
he constantly bought all they could not sell, which for some years was all they
made. As the manufacture arose, buyers came in, so that he did not need to buy
any great quantity. The first year 1772, he bought as much as cost him £200;
the next year 1773, £700; the next 1774, as much as £2000; and in 1775, above
£4,000 worth; and in 1776, the number of buyers having much increased he did not
need to lay out any more than £4,000, the same as the previous year.
Asenath
Nicholson who visited the Newport area in the time of the famine observed
Sir Richard O’Donel promoted the cultivation of flax in the
parish and many of his tenants were on this in the summer and autumn of 1847.
Among the thousands which were happily at
work were many women, and their cheerful responses testified how they prized
the boon to be allowed to labour, when they could earn but a few pence a day.
The following year there appeared to be a decline in this work, and with it
many of the poor were left hopeless, and probably before another spring opened
they were, sent out into the storm by the driver of Sir Richard.
IV
To
fertilise their arable crops the tenants commonly used seaweed as can be seen
from a lease made in 1805 by Sir Neal O’Donel to his son Connel O’Donel of the
farm and lands of Burrishoole and Rosgibbleen. These lands with the dwelling
house, salt works and out offices known as Owen O’Malley’s Burrishoole were
bounded on the East by the river of Burrishoole on the west by the sea and on
the north by the lands of Knockelayne and Derrada and on the south by the
Burrishoole River and the sea. The lease
included the kelp shores and manure weed for a rent of one hundred pounds for
three lives.
The
long indented coastline around Clew Bay afforded potato growers unusually good
facilities for heavily fertilising their crops with kelp and sea sand. Kelp
burning was also an important adjunct to the economic life of many west coast
communities in the nineteenth century.
In 1774 Neal O’Donel had rented the kelp shores of Newport and Achill from John
Thomas Medlicott for £100
and in 1814 after he bought the estate from the Medlicotts he had rented the
Newport Kelp Shores alone for £237 to twenty-three leasees.
He had lowered the rent to £130 by 1819.
Richard Pococke believed that by harvesting the seaweed for manure and kelp
burning that the fishing declined as the fish spawned on the seaweed.
Houses
were heated by the use of turf, as the lease from Sir Neal O’Donel to his son
Connel states that the lessee had a right to full and free liberty of entering
securing and carrying away yearly and every year during the term hereby granted
a sufficiency of turf on the best and most convenient part of the boggs of
Doontrusk and Derrada which said premises lay.
The lease from John Arbuthnott Esq. specifies that Lieutenant Colonel Wilford
has liberty to cut turf for the use of his house, on the most convenient part
of the boggs used by the said John Arbuthnott Esq.. This is provided that it is cut in straight
lines and not promiscuously in holes as a mangled bog.
Reverend Mr Coney, parish priest of the neighbouring parish of Kilmeena stated
to the Commissioners on Poor Laws in Ireland in 1836 that the universal fuel of
the barony is turf and bogwood which is in most places sufficiently accessible
to the tenants but often of very poor quality as the portions of bog assigned
to the different villages have been worked out. John Kenny a small ordinary
farmer testified to the same Commission that it took him about a fortnight to
cut as much turf as his family required for a year, about 14 days more would be
spent in drying and bringing it home. Altogether he reckoned that firing cost
him 10s a year counting his own labour. Sir Samuel O’Malley, the chief landlord
in the parish of Kilmeena stated that woods were never robbed for fuel but they
sometimes were for other purposes such as flail handles. There was no instance
known of a landlord depriving a tenant of fuel as a punishment.
Houses
were not only heated with turf; they were also built with it. James McParland
in 1802 wrote of habitations in the parish of Burrishoole ‘Some very poor, made
of turf sods, badly roofed and thatched, and full of smoke and dirt, as they
have neither chimneys nor offices, except a very few’.
V
The centre of the Burrishoole estate lay at O’Donel’s
residence at Newport. The Frenchman, Coquebert on touring Connacht in 1791
remarked ‘ These two small places, Newport and Westport, share the poor trade
of Clew Bay. Newport being the more advantageously situated since its river can
take ships of 500 tons.’ On the day of Coquebert’s arrival there were two ships
there, while not a single vessel had been seen in Westport. On that day also a
fair or market was being held for which booths had been erected. He further
observes ‘At a mile and a half from the town are the meagre ruins of Burrishoe
Abbey giving its name to the barony i.e. Bur is Uall Locus Territori Pomorum.
Newport has fallen into decline because the owner lacks both intelligence and
fortune.’
Lewis remarked ‘the pier was erected at the expense of Sir R. A. O'Donel and
some of the merchants of the town; the quays were extensive and commodious, and
accessible to vessels of 200 tons' burden, which could be moored in safety
alongside and take in or deliver their cargoes at all times of the tide, and
within a few hundred yards may lie at anchor in perfect security. The channel
was safe, and the harbour very commodious: the entrance into the bay was
spacious and direct; and within it were numerous islets and rocks, between
which, on each side, were several good roadsteads, capable of accommodating
large vessels, with good anchorage in from two to six fathoms.’
The port of Newport was the major port of Mayo in the
eighteenth century and not only was the produce of the Linen trade exported
through it but also a large amount of barley and oats. No exports of grain were
recorded prior to 1749 but after 1785 when prices rose considerably exports
were regular.
In 1838 Lewis stated that the increasing demand for grain, chiefly oats for
Liverpool, aided by the establishment of cornbuyers in the sea-ports had given
rise to a considerable export trade, for which Killala, Ballina, Newport and
Westport were the chief marts.
However the regional port of Newport came under threat in the early nineteenth
century. As the trade in Newport declined that in Westport was on the increase.
From Newport roads to Castlebar and Westport were inadequate and this
accelerated the decline of Newport, as it was safer to bring corn to Westport
by road rather than by the dangerous sea.
In 1826 the amount of oats sold in the two towns was roughly equal 1283 tons
for Newport and 1300 for Westport. In 1835 15,720 tons were sold in Westport
but only 1,000 tons in Newport, demonstrating the expansion of Westport as a
market town for the area at the expense of Newport.
That year the value of exports and
imports from Westport was £87,805 and £28,517 respectively while exports from
Newport were £2269 while there were no imports.
By 1843 the decline of the port of Newport was complete, no vessels entered it
all year while 77 used the port of Westport and 106 Galway. Postal returns of
Mayo towns show that the post office was established in Newport in 1784. In
1831, when the town had a population of 1,235, it had only an eighth of the
revenue of the post office in Westport, which had a greater turnover than both
Ballina and Castlebar, which were larger towns.
Source:
House of Commons Journals, Ireland ,XII (1786-8) Appendix cccliii; XIV (1790-1)
appendix ccxcii
Figure 6 Grain export from port of
Newport 1749 -1790
The
second important element in the urban economy was linen. The first textile
village in Mayo may have been Newport, where Captain Pratt settled a colony of
Quakers about 1720.
In the north of the county the linens were sold unbleached in the market of
Ballina because there was no convenient bleach green. Some of the flax was sold
as yarn and may have been woven in Ulster. By the 1750s the industry had grown
to a sizeable one, with markets spread throughout the county and exports
leaving principally from Newport and Sligo. Much of the flax in the northern
half of the county still went northwards for spinning. With the natural
gravitation towards Castlebar of much of the rest of the linen yarn, it was a
natural business opportunity for the local landlord Lord Lucan to pursue. In
1763 Sir Charles Bingham (later Lord Lucan) obtained permission to establish a
‘premium’ linen market in Castlebar. The finest and therefore most expensive
grades of linen were now available in commercial commodities in Castlebar. The
opening of the linen hall on September 5th 1790 helped further to establish
Castlebar as the dominant player in the western linen industry. This involved more people in the production
of flax and increased the value of Lucan’s land and led to more prosperity in
the environs of Castlebar. Lucan also of course as the dominant businessman
earned a percentage of all business done. Once established, the linen hall and
its main business was leased to the Belfast based Northern Linen Company,
hardly surprising as the business was now extensive and the Lucan of the time
was to all intents and purposes an absentee landlord.
The
growth of the industry did however put a strain on the locally available linen
weavers. During the latter half of the century a steady stream of migrants from
Ulster, elevated this somewhat. The sectarian aftermath of the Battle of the
Diamond turned this stream into a flow, and these new migrants many of who were
professional weavers were a godsend to the expanding industry. A market
gradually developed and linen provided an adequate and constant source of
income. In 1776 a traveller to Castlebar noted that ‘8 or 9 years ago there
were no linens here but now 300 pieces are sold in a week, 200 looms are
employed in the town and neighbourhood, yet great quantities of yarn are sent
off.’
The linen hall gave much greater control to the local market, kept prices
stable and was to act as the hub of the local industry. Castlebar began to draw
much business from all linen producing areas, to the detriment of markets such
as Newport, Westport and Ballina.
Asenath
Nicholson on her visit to the Newport area in the time of the famine observed
Mr
Gildea, the Church of Ireland clergyman, too, had a fine establishment for
spinning and weaving which employed about seven hundred, mostly women, spinning
and hand-skutching and their earnings were three shillings and three shillings
and sixpence per week. The yarn was spun by hand, and woven by a spring
shuttle. The table linen and sheeting would compete with any manufactory in any
country. Yet this valuable establishment was doing its last work for want of
encouragement, want of funds; and machinery is doing the work faster and
selling cheaper, though the material is not so durable. What can the poor
labourer do willing to work at any price, and begging to do so, yet cannot be
allowed the privilege. Mr Gildea kept a number employed, and employed to a good
purpose, many of whom may at last starve for food.
Manufacture
of garments and sheets from the linen cloth also took place. In 1842 Patrick Cosgrave
supplied linen sheets at 4/11½ lb., men’s shirts at 1/9 each, boys shirts at
1/5 each and women’s shifts at 1/5 each to the Westport Union workhouse.
Bleaching of linen took place in the townland of Bleachyard.
Whether this bleach green was in operation after the famine is not clear, as
there were advertisements in the local Press for bleach greens in Belclare and
Turlough. The Belclare Bleach green had been active for a considerable period
of time as the French travel writer De Coquebert visited it in 1791.
Having
descended the mountain the travellers return to Westport by carriage. On the
way back, at two and a half miles from the town, they arrive at a bleaching
house belonging to Mr McDonnell, brother in law of Mr Dominick Martin to whom
they are already indebted. This Mr McDonnell is the chief purchaser of linen
cloth in the district, the type called sheetings, which he sells for about £800
a year. From McDonnell they learn that the expansion of the linen industry has
greatly reduced the amount of yarn sold since Arthur Young’s time.
James
McParland observed that ‘at Ballyclare is a very extensive manufactory of
linens, unions, diapers and sheetings’.
The Turlough Bleach Green was advertised in the Mayo Constitution in
1838.
William
Malley proprietor begs leave to inform the public that his Bleaching Mills are
now in full work and he pledges himself that such persons may please to favour
him with their orders shall have their linens well and expeditiously bleached
at most reasonable terms and he gratefully acknowledges the preference he has
been hitherto received and hopes for a continuation of it. He will receive
linens for the above green at the following places Edward Malley, Newport. Also
at Ballina, Tuam, Swinford, Castlebar, Westport, Crossmolina and at the green
under the direction of Peter Vallely.
The
heyday of the linen industry in west Mayo was in the 1820s and after this
period decay set in, due to the fact that the industrial revolution produced
machine-made goods against which the hand spun materials could not compete.
With this industry on the decline pressure on the land increased, as the
industry was the source of all extras beyond the bare necessities of life.
In the 1830s, as machine production of linen yarn transformed Ulster’s textile
industry, the market for handspun yarn declined rapidly in Mayo. This left the
county all the more susceptible to demographic crisis. Such a crisis occurred
in 1846-50 when the harvests of potatoes, the staple food of most smallholders,
failed in the wake of an epidemic of potato fungus.
Another industry that prospered in Newport was a factory
producing straw hats. James McParland noted in 1802 that
A manufacture of straw-plat for hats and bonnets was
introduced and encouraged here by Mrs Graydon ; there are now in Newport and
its neighbourhood a great number of girls employed , whose manufacture is sold
at from 4s to 26s the hat or bonnet ; very small girls earn from six pence to
fifteen pence per day ; the most fashionable ladies of this and the adjacent
counties buy and wear them , not for charity , but for their fineness and
excellence . I believe the number of employees to be upwards of a hundred
children most of whom maintain themselves and their families by the straw
manufacture.
The
sale of the agricultural products from the rural hinterland took place in the
various fairs and markets. A monthly fair was held in Newport and Mulranny and
a weekly fair in Newport.
By 1750 fairs were held on 29 May and 31 October. After the calendar change
dates were 8 June and 11 November. A 1787 patent to Sir Neal O’Donel
added 1 August and 20 December. The patent stated that if the fair
day should fall on a Sunday then the fair should be on the following Monday. It
also specified that no damage hurt or prejudice should be done to any of his
majesties subjects who held fairs in the neighbourhood of the said town and
lands of Newport Pratt. The rent for the fairs due to the Crown was eight
pounds and six shillings forever together with a Court of Pie Powder together
with all Tolls Customs Privileges and Immunity to the said fairs and courts.
A market house had been built by 1798 for the administration of the market and
collection of tolls as Anthony Wilkes swore at the Court Martial of Connel O'Donel
that Lieutenant Connel O'Donel called the yeomen off parade into the market
house and asked them to separately swear they were not Orangemen.
By 1852 it had a Tuesday market with no patent.
At
these fairs tolls were charged. In 1777 Patrick Gallagher
paid £12 10s for the Customs of fairs and Markets and in 1808 Hugh McDonagh
received a lease for one life of the Customs of fairs and Markets for £56 17s
6d.
The fair or market was a major social occasion which the men dressed up
for, being ashamed to be seen without stockings or shoes, the women were
generally without either but the children were always so.
Dr
Pococke in his tour of Ireland in 1752 visited Newport, which he described as a
much older town than Westport. Newport had a market in frieze, yarn, stockings,
corn and meat. Wine was imported and there was a trade in mussels.
James McParland who gave details of the four fairs held in Newport in 1802 was
rather disparaging about Newport saying that the only right that they can claim
to the name town was merely being the place where fairs are held. Whereas in an
advertisement for the sale of a farm of land in Gortawarla in 1852, Newport and
Westport were both described as excellent market and seaport towns.
Prices
in the market and items for sale were not that different than in the competing
market town of Westport where the following prices were obtained in December
1827, oats cwt 5s 4d to 5s 6d, wheat cwt 8s 8d to 9s 2d, barley cwt 5s 6d
to 5s 8d, oatmeal cwt 11s to 12s,
potatoes per stone 1d to 1 ½ d, first flour per cwt 16s, 2nd 13s, 3rd
10s. Bran was sold for 4s cwt, beef per lb. 2d to 3d, mutton per lb. 2 ½ to 3 ½
d, pork per lb. 3d, hides per stone 4s 8d to 5s, tallow per stone 4s to 5s,
salt butter per lb. 5 ½ d to 6d, fresh butter 8d to 9d, Hay made 1s per cwt,
straw per cwt 10d to 1s, linen per yard 7d to 9d, yarn per hank 5d to 6d,
whiskey per old gallon 5s 6d to 6s, wool per stone 12s to 12s 6d and salmon per
pound 7d to 8d. Freight to Liverpool or the Clyde was 18s to 20s per ton.
|
Markets
|
Fairs
|
|
Flour
per bag
|
6d
|
A
milch cow and calf
|
6d
|
|
Oatmeal
per cwt
|
3
½d
|
Beeves
or dry cows each
|
5d
|
|
Potatoes
per load
|
2d
|
Horses
each
|
5d
|
|
Wheat
per cwt
|
2d
|
Salt
per load
|
2d
|
|
Barley
per cwt
|
1
½d
|
Sheep
and lamb
|
2d
|
|
Bere
per cwt
|
1
½d
|
Goat
each
|
1d
|
|
Oats
per cwt
|
1d
|
Calves
each
|
2d
|
|
Beef
per carcass , hide and tallow the tongue
|
4d
|
Cabbins
each
|
12d
|
|
Mutton
do
|
2d
|
Butchers
stall
|
6d
|
|
Pork
do
|
3d
|
Each
carload of hay or straw
|
4d
|
|
Veal
do
|
1d
|
Each
horse load of hay or straw
|
2d
|
|
Fish
per load
|
1d
|
Large
covered standings each
|
12d
|
|
Large
fish per dozen
|
2d
|
Small
covered standings each
|
4d
|
|
Kelp
per cwt cranage
|
1d
|
A
car load of any commodity
|
8d
|
|
Oil
per barrel
|
4d
|
Every
pack of wool
|
12d
|
|
Flannels
per 20 yds
|
5d
|
Every
20lb weight of pound or tow yarn
|
2d
|
|
Frize
per 20 yds.
|
5d
|
|
|
|
Country
hides for cranage and customs
|
2d
|
|
|
|
Calf
skins per dozen
|
6d
|
|
|
|
Large
covered standings each
|
3d
|
|
|
|
Small
covered standings each
|
2d
|
|
|
|
Stockings
per dozen
|
3d
|
|
|
|
Butter
per crock 40lb weight
|
3d
|
|
|
|
Butter
per crock 60lb weight
|
4
½d
|
|
|
|
Rabbit
skins per doz.
|
3d
|
|
|
|
A
car load of any commodity
|
4d
|
|
|
|
A
small bushel or bag with any commodity
|
1d
|
|
|
Figure 7 Schedule of the Tolls and Customs and Cranage levied
within the Manor of Newport 1818
VI
For
the economy to operate effectively a transport system was required and also a
system of local administration had to regulate economic activity. In 1855 John
F Bourke of Westport was barony cess collector for Burrishoole South and
Claudius Nixon of Newport for Burrishoole North.
The county cess among other things was used to fund road building in the county
and in 1854 Sir Richard O’Donel was the foreman of the grand jury, which had
responsibility for allocating this money. Twenty eight thousand seven hundred
perches of roadworks were to be carried out and for this a rate of 8 ¼ d in the
pound was struck. £164 2s 6d was due on the barony of Burrishoole and there was
a total arrears for the county of £5,027. As well as roads, at the spring
meeting of the grand jury Sir Richard O’Donel stated that a petition was laid
before him for presentation to both houses of parliament praying that the Grand
Junction Railway Bill would receive approval. The grand jury unanimously agreed
to support the petition.
Roadworks and other construction were carried out in the
barony under the direction of the grand jury for the barony that also appointed
high constables and sub-constables.
A very considerable road network had been created in the late eighteenth and
early nineteenth centuries in Mayo linking many settlements and allowing the
market economy to penetrate the region.
The sub-constable was responsible for ensuring that this work was carried out
in his area and sometimes he was not reimbursed. Another function of the
subconstable, who in 1815 was Patrick Gibbons, who collected the Spring County
Cess for the barony, which amounted to £1434, part of which, was to be used to
pay for these roadworks. The cost of road repairs averaged 6s per perch and
Cess was only payable by the more substantial landholders whose valuation was
greater than £4. Patrick Gibbons as well as being the subconstable was also a
merchant and had supplied Connel O'Donel, the brother of Sir Neal the younger,
who was the High constable of the Barony with hay and port wine. When Patrick
Gibbons failed to deliver to him all the County Cess that he had collected
Connel O’Donel deducted this amount from his provisions bill.
Newport as the seat of the major landlord in the barony of
Burrishoole was also where the military and police barracks were located. The
report from the commissioners on poor laws in Ireland had stated that there was
some disturbance in the area of Newport in the early 1830s associated with
increases in rent.
The marquis of Sligo writing to O’Donel in 1832 informs him that thirty
soldiers will be sent to Newport to a half billet station. This arose from an
attack on Nowlan’s house in Rockfleet and there was also a threatening letter
from ‘Captain North’, a nom de plume for local rebels, about Clendenning. The
marquis was suspicious that the Catholic parish priest Father Hughes was
encouraging the unrest as he had heard that the priest had told one of the
process servers never to serve a process without telling him about it. By January
1833 the situation had disimproved and Sir Richard, who was sheriff of the
county at the time, wrote to the lord lieutenant advising him not to order the
sheriff to levy directly for church cess in Ballycroy as it would bring the
whole district already much disturbed into a state near to rebellion. The
marquis of Sligo however felt that the military should be used to enforce the
collection and the lord lieutenant agreed with the marquis. Later that month an
attack occurred on the house of one of Sir Richard’s tenants Martin Limerick
and four men were arrested. Limerick had been a waterguardsman for seven years
and a position in the admiralty was obtained for him so as he could leave
Newport with his family.
The duties of the military were maintaining law and order. This often involved
assisting officers of excise in seizure of illicit stills. This was vigorously
pursued between 1813 and 1816 when fifty-five troops were stationed in Newport
consisting of one captain, one subaltern, three sergeants and fifty enlisted
men. This complement was only exceeded in Mayo by Ballina, where there were
fifty two enlisted men. The troops stationed in Newport were generally part of
a regiment that had been sent to Mayo and was stationed in Castlebar, Westport,
Newport, Foxford, Ballina, Dunmore, Ballaghdereen, Ballycastle, Claremorris,
Crossmolina and Killala.
In 1828 following the election of Daniel O’Connell in Clare disturbances took
place in the town of Newport between the troops and the local population, under
the guidance of the parish priest Father Hughes, celebrating the election. The
following Saturday the commander of the troops, Lieut. O’Halloran of the 69th
Regiment, acted as second to J Stewart Esq. in a duel with Richard O’Donel who
was assisted by Lieut. Hyland of the Royal Navy. The duel, which took place on
an island in Clew Bay, arose from an argument about the election. Luckily
neither combatant was injured. There was large amount of lawlessness in the
county at the time and in the Spring Assizes in 1828 the following prisoners
were tried, seven for cattle stealing, twelve for murder, six for rape, twenty
one for larceny, six for highway robbery, and seven for sheep stealing. Also
charged were four for passing base coin, one for assaulting a post boy with
intention of robbing the mail, four for burglary and robbery, one for
infanticide, one for shooting at with intent to kill and one for forging the
names of two magistrates to a certain document. One of those tried for sheep
stealing was Anthony Reilly who was indicted for feloniously stealing three
sheep the property of Captain Stuart of Newport and he was found not guilty.
In some cases the forces of law and order came off second best and a case was
reported where three policemen that had gone to make an arrest under a
magistrates warrant were viciously attacked by the neighbours of the man
intended to be arrested.
There are several letters among the correspondence requesting extra troops for
the area.
A letter from Pat Gibbons requesting that troops that have been withdrawn from
the town should be rebilleted in a premises belonging to him
and there is also a reference made to a murder in Ballycroy.
Customs and Excise in the Newport
area were involved in preventing smuggling and illegal importation of arms.
During the Famine they investigated three incidents of plundering of cargoes of corn, two of which
were destined for the Achill Missionary settlement of Reverend Edward Nangle.
The Revenue Officers in 1845 were under the command of Captain John Nugent who
lived in Seamount, Newport and Lieutenant John Newcombe.
They
both reported on the extent of the potato famine in the region.
Outbreaks of Cholera in Newport are mentioned in two
letters, one in 1832
and one in 1837.
Patrick McGreal had been providing medical care in Newport in 1831 and was
living in Weavers Row, with his family which included two sons Myles and
Jeremiah, in a house previously occupied by the Church of Ireland Rector, Rev
Josiah Hern. He was paying a rent of £6 a year on a lease made in 1821.
But by 1832 he had moved his residence to Castlebar to take up a position as
Surgeon and apothecary.
Sir Richard O’Donel contributed to the medical dispensaries in his estate. In
1844 he contributed £25 to the Newport dispensary, £10 10s to the Achill
dispensary and £3 3s each to the Cong and Fairhill dispensaries. Others
contributing to the Newport dispensary were Messrs Boileau Druggists, Marquis
of Sligo who contributed five guineas, James T S Stuart and Rev Geo. R Gildea
£3 12s 6d each, Connel O'Donel three guineas, Alex Clendenning, Col Knox , John
Knox Esq., Neal Davis and William Gillespie two guineas each. Also contributing
were Mr Hoyte, Mr Ivers and Sir Richard Palmer £2 each, and John Quinn, Geo. Clendenning Sr., Geo.
Clendenning Jr., Dominick McLoughlin, Edward Malley, Mr Farrell, Rev Charles
Wilson, William Nixon, James Hillis, Mr. T William, Mr. Swain and Rev Mr.
Carman gave one guinea each.
Figure
8 Population Estimates County
Mayo 1706 – 1841.
VII
The
population in the county had increased markedly in the years leading up to the
Famine as shown by Jordan leading to stresses within the economic system.
During the last half of the eighteenth century the landlords farmers and
cottiers of County Mayo endured unpredictable weather, frequent credit crises
and the vicissitudes of the Irish, British and Colonial markets to develop
gradually a market oriented cash based economy that was remarkably vibrant by
the end of the century. This was reflected in growing arrears of rent. For forty-six of the townlands where
sufficient data was available the average arrears in rent increased from 0 per
cent in 1805 to 40 per cent in 1816, 85 per cent in 1823 and 103 per cent in
1824. The amount of arrears varied between townlands and there were some
townlands where the arrears were 299 per cent in 1816, 320 per cent in 1823 and
420 per cent in 1824. During this period when a decreasing amount of rent was
making its way to the landlord’s pocket the rents did not increase
significantly. The combined rent of thirty townlands on the O’Donel estate
edged upwards by just over 0.3 percent per annum between 1777 and 1788 but the
combined rent of thirty five townlands rose 2.7 percent per annum during the
period 1788 to 1805. A further increase of 3.5 percent per annum on sixty-eight
townlands together took place between 1805 and 1814.
The average rent of the forty-six townlands for 1816 and 1823 was 101 per cent
of what it was in 1805 but there were a few townlands where rent increased
considerably.
Periods
of food shortage had occurred in the years before the Famine and the French
traveller Alexis de Toqueville, in the journal of his tour around Ireland in
1835 tells of his visit to a priest in Newport. ‘The priest’s house was
surrounded by starving peasants awaiting the distribution of corn, which he had
secured for their survival’.
The historian James S. Donnelly jr. writes of the west of Ireland ‘there the
appalling degree of destitution and the extremely small size of holdings
combined in a doubly destructive assault on landlord incomes. This combination
was at its worst in County Mayo ‘.
The loss of rents was devastating, in some cases tenants were two or three
years in arrears and also as 75 per cent of leased land was valued at under £4
this meant that the poor rates on these lands fell to the landlords to pay.
The decline of the linen industry in the 1830s and the fall in crop prices,
resulted in Mayo having a much higher share than average of insolvent
proprietors whose estates were encumbered or bankrupt.
The marquis of Sligo depicted the state of insolvency when writing to the Chief
Secretary for Ireland E G Stanley in January 1831:
All
the gentry of Mayo are beggars, a state in which I fancy with few exceptions,
are placed a great majority of my imprudent countrymen in this province. I
happen to know that the estates of the gentry in this county are mortgaged or
engaged for one million and a half of money.
If
this were true the debt would have exceeded the rental of the county by 300 per
cent.
Even
without the onset of potato blight a disaster was waiting to happen in the
area. The population had increased dramatically in the previous fifty years in
response to an improvement in the economy, the expansion of the linen industry
and a greater demand and therefore higher prices for agricultural produce
because of the Napoleonic Wars. A sudden downturn in the economy due to the
ending of the war, the decline of the linen industry, due to increased
industrialisation in the textile industry in England and the north eastern
counties of Ireland, left a large population without the land resources to feed
itself. The landlords because of their encumbered financial circumstances were
unable to come to the assistance of their tenantry.
The
first chapter has examined the origin growth and decline of the O’Donel estate
from the purchase of the estate in 1788. The main factors in the decline were
financial involving extensive borrowing and settlements made on marriages of
daughters and to younger sons of the family. This was not matched by a
corresponding growth in income over time. The second chapter concentrated on
the various factors at work in the Newport estate, and specifically that part
in the parish of Burrishoole, which limited the growth in income resulting in
the family having to sell most of the estate. This chapter examines the
relationships between the O’Donel family and the tenants. As the Great Famine
occurred towards the end of the O’Donel’s tenure as a major landlord and
undoubtedly contributed to their eventual impossible financial position, this
chapter also uses the Famine as a case study of what happens when relations
between landlord and tenant were placed under stress. How the tenants of the
O’Donel estate fared in comparison with those of other landlords is also looked
at. Included in this is an examination of the increase of arrears of rent and
the eventual outcome of those tenants in severe arrears. Also the decline in
population is compared with that of tenants of other landlords in the locality.
Co-operation with various relief agencies, particularly the Central Relief
Committee organised by the Society of Friends or Quakers, was very important in
alleviating distress at this time. The workings of the two Poor Law Unions
active in the area, initially the Westport Union and later the Newport Union,
and Sir Richard O’Donel’s involvement in them is also examined. The impact of
the Famine on landlord tenant relations is looked at and what tenants had power
during this period. The change in land leasing patterns from multiple tenants
to single tenants is also examined. The role of evictions in population
dynamics is also considered.
I
A
total of 171 leases were issued during the period of this study. There were
sixty eight leases in the town, 100 for the rural areas of the estate and three
covering both town and rural areas. It is possible that there may have been
other leases issued that are no longer present in the O’Donel papers. These were examined to see if there was any
trend in shortening the length of leases, the townlands they were issued in and
the possible religious affiliation of the lessees.
A
lot can be learnt from these leases as to where different people lived in the
town of Newport and surrounding areas, previous occupants of those premises and
relationships to other inhabitants from the lives given in the leases. In
comparing the leases with rent rolls it will be noted that a higher proportion
of non-native Irish surnames occur in the leases. Leases were often granted to
encourage tradesmen and shopkeepers to settle in the town of Newport and this
is reflected in the large number of leases in Weavers Row and Market Street.
Charges by solicitors acting for the O’Donel family in drawing up these leases
were quite costly
and most of the land on the estate was therefore let without leases on a year
to year basis. The concentration of leases is greater in some parts of the town
and some townlands. A good picture of the changing land and property ownership
can be seen for the townland of Melcomb/Seamount where five leases are recorded
and Weavers Row where there are fourteen leases.
Some
tenants names did not appear on the leases as the land was let in common under
the rundale system described in the previous chapter. There were none of these
joint leases made after 1820 although of the total of 171 leases, fifty eight
were made after 1820. There were thirty two leases in common made in different
townlands including Carrickaneady,
Carrowbeg, Derryclydagh, Derrykell East, Derrylahan, Derrylohan, Doontrusk,
Graffy, Kilbride, Knockbreaga, Knockmeel, Letterkeen, Letterlough, Roigh,
Rostrunk, Shrafarnagh and Yellow wire. There were two leases in common in
Comploon, Derrygarrif, Rossinrubble, Shanballyhue and Shraughmore and five in
Knockatinaweel. Of these thirty-two leases in common, 56 per cent were for one
life, 7 per cent for two lives and 37 per cent for three lives. After 1800 the
lease was more likely to be for one life than for three. This contrasts with
the urban leases where 7 per cent were for one life, 4 per cent for two lives,
40 per cent for three lives, 25 per cent for ever and 24 per cent for a
specified number of years. There were sixteen leases in the town before 1800,
seven of these were for ever, whereas of the fifty two made after 1800, twenty
seven were for three lives and only ten for ever. The rural leases to one tenant only were 35
per cent for one life, 8.5 per cent for two lives, 25 per cent for three lives,
11 per cent for ever and 20 per cent for a term of years. There were more leases
for three lives after 1800 than before in the rural area of the estate.
As
would be expected evictions do not figure highly in the O’Donel papers. There
are only two evictions mentioned one in 1788 of McNamara a tenant of Sir Neal
O’Donel and the second in 1853
of Bernard McCarroll of Newport Pratt a tenant of Mary Clynes of Belmullet. Sir Neal O’Donel in retaining
material in his records seems
more concerned with the effect evictions had on his income. In 1793 when he brought
ejectment proceedings for non-payment of rent on the Cong estate and was
ordered by the court to reinstate the tenants who still did not pay rent but
for which he was liable for tithes. There were also several decrees for
non-payment of rent, which did not necessarily result in eviction. There was a decree for non-payment of rent
by Jeremiah Canning and others of Comploon in 1830. In 1837 there was no sign
of any Canning in Comploon. The tenants in Comploon were Lunn, Roarke, Rooney,
O’Donnel and Moran and an entry in the rent roll showed the tenant in Comploon Canning
to be James Lunn. As
we have seen before payments of £20 14s 9d were made to the solicitor Neil
Davis in 1843 by Sir Richard O’Donel for decrees, ejectments and dismiss. Other payments totalling £44 2s were made to
other solicitors and to witnesses’ expenses at the Quarter sessions.[207] He also paid a further £6 10s 9d for
miscellaneous expenses for labourers assisting the sheriff in evictions in
Mulranny and Ballycroy, paying for valuation of land after evictions, transport
of prisoners to Castlebar, printing notices to quit and serving Chancery
notices. He also employed keepers to watch tenants stock that owed rent so that
they would not sell their stock and crops and emigrate without settling their
debts. In 1844 Sir Richard must have given up hope of ever making the estate
profitable as he had paid a surveyor a years salary of £52
to
survey the estate.[208] On 23 June 1838 at Castlebar Quarter
Sessions decrees were obtained for £122 5s 11d against thirty-one tenants for
default of rent with £10 17s 0d in expenses. On October 25 1838 a further £98
13s 8d with £9 9s expenses was obtained against a further twenty-seven tenants.
Arrears of rent had been occurring since but
became more marked after 1820. In 1824 £8,524.11 was owed as arrears but only £5105 received as rent. Among the
tenants owing the largest amount were Dodwell Browne in Glendahurk owing 420
per cent of his rent of £93 5s, Edmond Lavelle owing 332 per cent of his rent
of £56 18s 5d in Shandrim and 254 per cent of his rent of £68 14s in
Derrylahan, David Bourke owing 406 per cent of his rent of £35 5s in Lecarrow,
Charles McEvilly owing 310 per cent of his rent of £42 14s in Kiltyroe, Patrick
Cain owing 291 per cent of his rent of £44 17s in Shandrim. There were also two
rents in common, Thomas Bourke and Co in Carragaun East owing 406 per cent of
their rent of £35 5s 10d and Owen O Donel and Co of Rossclave owing 257 per
cent of their rent of £49 12s.
The
combined rent of thirty townlands on the O’Donel estate edged upwards by just over
0.3 per cent per annum between 1777 and 1788 but the combined rent of thirty
five townlands rose 2.7 per cent per annum during the period 1788 to 1805. A
further increase of 3.5 per cent per annum on sixty-eight townlands together
took place between 1805 and 1814.
II
The tenant community on the O’Donel estate was a diverse body
as regards their relationship with the landlords. We can reconstruct something
of the lives of the better off among them by examining the lives of some of the
leaseholders. An example of one of the leases from the barony of Burrishoole
that are available in the O’Donel archive is
20th
January 1796 Mrs Margaret Davis of town of Ballinrobe relict of Samuel Davis
late of Newport Pratt and Sir Neal O’Donel one acre of land from the old mill
and mill race towards the old Barracks twenty three perches and nine links from
the old Mill towards the river the benefit of as much water as out of the old
mill race as shall be sufficient for the use of the Tanyard. Five acres on the
north side of the hill where the old barracks formerly stood with one acre of
bog, one plott in Weavers Row and one house and garden near the salmon box with
one acre of bog formerly in the possession of William Webster. Twenty one acres
of Camcloone Knockcarrowbeg bounded on the east with Derrykell on the south
with the river on the west with Catherine Reilly’s hill and in the north side
with the Drum belonging to Camcloone with a piece of ground thirty feet at the
front and fifty feet deep over the rock by the old ditch at the back of the
spott where the old mansion house formerly stood in the south side of the river
in Newport for lives of John Davis son of Samuel Davis and said Margaret Davis
Henry Davis of town of Newport Pratt and Joseph Lambert of Brookhill in said
county or 17 ½ years £37.
Further
information about the Davis family was found on examination of the leases and
other documents in the O’Donel papers. The tanyard, where the hides that had
been obtained from dead animals and animals slaughtered for meat were tanned to
make leather, had been in the possession of the Davis family since at least
1730 when Thomas Medlicott made a lease with John Davis of Newport, tanner for
‘one acre from the Old Mill Race board of the Barracks twenty three foot and
nine links from the Old Mill Race towards the river, the benefit of as much
water out of the Mill Race as shall be sufficient for use of the tan yard.‘
Twenty years later Thomas Medlicott’s son, Thomas John made a lease of the same
piece of land to Samuel Davis of Newport, son of John Davis, who was now described as a merchant.
At this time Samuel Davis was building a new house on this piece of land and
his brother Henry was one of the three lives specified in the lease as also was
William Davis son of Stephen Davis of Newport, who may have been another
brother.
Stephen had made a lease in 1756 with Thomas John Medlicott for two plots in Medlicott Street and
seventy two acres in Mullaun.
His son John had taken out a further lease on the same land in 1790 at
an annual rent of £9 2s 11d for two lives that of his two sons, John and
William.
William died between 1790 and 1801 when the lease was remade for the same rent
with the substitution with another son of John Davis called Stephen.
The Davis family were increasing in stature in the parish and in 1788 were
renting the Newport fishery for fifteen guineas per annum,
but were finding it hard to pay their debts in the early part of the nineteenth
century and in 1814,Mr John Davis of Mullaun owed £19 in arrears of Cess or
Money due Patk Gibbons for Summer Cess in Burrishoole Parish.
From the first lease
mentioned we know that Samuel’s widow was Margaret and she had moved to
Ballinrobe and her son also named John had taken over the running of the tanyard.
By 1823 the Davis family had got out of the tannery business and a lease was
made to Anthony O’Donel of the Tanyard House for £15 for three lives, one of
which was George Davis son of Richard Davis revenue officer.
This Richard who was living in Kilbride
and was a son of Stephen’s had been a member of the yeomanry in 1798 and had
been compensated £20 for his horse having been stolen in Castlebar. His brother
Hugh also had his horse stolen but it was not as valuable and he only received
£11 7s 6d in compensation.
Richard Davis was a witness for the prosecution in the court martial of Captain
James Moore O'Donel after 1798. He testified that a rebel called James Gordon
said that Captain O'Donel had spent the six weeks before the French landed at
Killala going from one corps of United Irishmen to the next telling them that
they would soon be relieved.
The
family decided that there were easier ways of making a living than taking skins
off dead animals and tanning them, a most unpleasant process and decided to
advance in the world by educating their children. Neal became a solicitor and
James a doctor. Between 1839 and 1841 Neal Davis had subscribed two guineas
each year towards the running of the Newport Dispensary. Sir Richard O’Donel
had paid him £2 15s 6d on January 28 1839 for notices to quit and a further £2
8s 6d on the same date for ejectments
and in 1843 he was paid a total of £20 14s 9d by Sir Richard for decrees
ejectments and dismiss.
He was also a witness along with Rev George Robert Gildea and J Flanagan to the
will of Connel O’Donel, brother of Sir Neal the elder published in 1840 and
along with Matilda Ivers to a codicil to the same will.
Neil
was not the first member of the Davis family to enter the legal profession.
William Davis had drawn up the rent roll for John McLaughlin’s estate in the
parish of Burrishoole in 1777
and in 1802 he was acting as solicitor for Sir Neal O’Donel from his office at
41 Bride Street, Dublin.
James Davis became a doctor and was
appointed to the Newport Dispensary. He was paid £30 on August 5 1839, £15 12s
of this came from receipts of sales from the dispensary. This was probably a
twice-yearly payment as the doctor in the workhouse in Westport was paid an
annual salary of £50 in 1846. At a meeting of the Poor Law Union Guardians of
the Westport Union on 18 November 1840 Dr Davis was appointed Medical officer
of the Union for Newport under the Act to extend the practice of vaccination
against smallpox. He was paid 1s per head for each successful vaccination up to
200 then 6d per head.
In 1859 he was Dispensary doctor for Ballycroy, Newport and the workhouse
and was renting land in Carrabaun.
Other members of the family did not enter the professions, William Davis was
working for the O'Donel’s and was paid a weekly salary of 5s and an allowance
of 2s 6d, a very large sum at the time. He was also paid 15s for repair of his
boots.
In 1839 John Davis received £2 12s 6d and £4 17s 8d for road making.
A
second example of upward mobility was that of John Nixon. His lease of 1797
stipulated that
in consideration of five shillings, the new
dwelling house situate in Market Street, Newport, bounded in the east by a
garden now in the possession of James Carman, on west by Market Street, on the
north by James Carman’s holding and on the south by houses now tenanted by
James Naylor, Thomas Kelly and John Loughnan.
With full and free liberty now and at all times thereafter of passing
and repassing to the rear or yard through the present passage thereto between
the said Loughnan’s and John McGuire’s houses. All that the two new houses in
Weavers Row now tenanted by the said Kelly and Loughnan bounded on the East by
the aforementioned passage, on the west by said Naylor’s house on the north by
the aforesaid yard and offices and on the south by the Weavers Row together
with the garden or plott of land to the said dwelling house belonging bounded
on the east by Reverend Josiah Hern’s house on the west by the aforementioned
James Carman’s garden and Hugh McGuire’s house on the North by Nathaniel
O’Donel’s garden and on the south by Weavers Row aforesaid at £8 annual rent
for ever .
A
year later John Nixon had deserted from the Newport cavalry at the time of the
rebellion but the following year had returned to duty as was said in evidence
at the Court martial of James Moore O’Donel. At about the same time there were
three other Nixon families in the parish. In 1777 James Nixon was renting land
in Inishower at £4 and William Nixon, his brother was renting a house in
Weavers Row for £2 5s 6d.
In 1800 William Nixon made over to Connel O’Donel his lease in Weavers Row. The
rent of this property, which was adjoining a house already owned by Connel
O'Donel, increased from the £2 5s 6d that Nixon was paying to Medlicott to £12
10s 3d due to the fact that William Nixon had built a house on it.
In
1788 James Nixon was renting land in Burrishoole for £2 2s and in 1805 his rent
in Burrishoole and Kiltarnet was £9 2s. In 1789 Claud Nixon was renting land in
Inishower at £6 and was still renting this in 1805.
Claud and James both grew flax on their land.
John Nixon was paying £15 a year rent for his house in Market Street, now Main
Street in 1807
and two years previously had started renting land in Carrowbaun for £37 13s 6d.
By 1811 John Nixon was also renting land in Comploon at £11 7s 6d and two plots
in Market Street at a combined rent of £23. William Nixon was renting land near
the new bridge at a rent of £3 8s 3d and a plot and a house on Weavers Row at a
combined rent of £5 13s 9d.
but was finding it hard to pay his debts as he owed Patrick Gibbons £1 in
arrears of Cess or Money due for Summer Cess in Burrishoole parish in 1814. By 1816 arrears of rent were beginning to
show up in the rent rolls. John owed 29 per cent of his rent, Claud 42 per
cent, James 100 per cent and William had not paid any rent for three years on
his property in Weavers Row.
All four owed a half years rent in 1818 and this practice known as the ‘hanging
gale’ seemed to have gained acceptability in the estate which would have
further added to the O’Donel’s financial problems.
In 1819 another member of the family Thomas, who was a son of William, had
entered the rent rolls and was renting more land in Kiltarnet at a rent of £4
the lease of which he had taken over from a family called Dira.
By 1824 John Nixon was having problems paying his rent and owed a total of £72
17s 6d.
There
were five Nixons listed in the tithes applotments for the parish of
Burrishoole, Huston in Barrackhill and
Knocknadornogue, a Mr Nixon in Inishower, Thomas in Rosgibbleen and William in
Kiltarnet.
It is possible that the two entries for Huston Nixon were two different people
as in two marriages of daughters of a Huston Nixon in one he is described as a
shopkeeper and in the other as of Inishower Island. On 18 November 1847
Catherine Maria Nixon, daughter of Huston Nixon, shopkeeper was married to
Francis O’Donnell a clerk from Knockmore in St Catherine’s Church of Ireland
Church. Among the witnesses were William Nixon and Claudius Nixon. On 22
January 1848 Elizabeth Nixon, daughter of Huston Nixon of Inishower Island
married Henry Rose in the same church and Huston Nixon was a witness. Claudius
Nixon may have been a clerk in the church as he was a witness to two other
marriages the same year.
Between 1839 and 1841 William Nixon subscribed £1 1s each year to Newport
Dispensary
and he was elected a Guardian for the Newport area of the Westport Poor Law
Guardians for the year ending 25 March 1844 and was also re-elected the
following year. Huston Nixon was elected as a Guardian for the Achill area.
The Nixon family was closely associated with the O’Donels and following the
death of Sir Neal O'Donel, the younger, his widow Lady Catherine O’Donel retired
to Bath when her son Sir Richard succeeded to the estate. She was accompanied
there by her maidservant Jane Nixon, who when Lady Catherine died in 1830 wrote
to Lord Annesley, Lady Catherine’s brother stating that Sir Richard had not
paid off his mother’s debts as promised.
James
Nixon was a surgeon and apothecary and a contemporary of Dr James Davis.
In 1839 he was one of
the Newport subscribers to Mathew
Archdeacon's Legends of Connaught.
In 1849 Thomas Nixon was appointed Relieving Officer of the Newport poor Law
Union for the Electoral Divisions of Achill, Dooega, Slievemore, and Currane,
Achill at a salary of £50 per annum.
In 1858 when Sir Richard Annesley O’Donel was deputy lieutenant for Mayo and
magistrate, Claudius Nixon of Newport was Barony Cess collector for Burrishoole
North.
In
1855 Huston Nixon was renting two properties in the town of Newport one at a
rent of 5s and the other at £1 1s.
In 1857 in Griffith’s Valuation there were five Nixons in the parish, William
Nixon in Inishower, there was also a William having a house in Georges Street
in Newport but this might be the same man. Claudius held land in Kilbride,
Huston in Castlebar Road in the town of Newport and Anne in Kiltarnet. Anne
Nixon was renting two small cottages valued at 5s each to Anne Burke and
Catherine Murray and two acres of land and a house to Thomas McDonnell.
By 1858 the Nixons had moved out of Kiltarnet. Sir Richard O’Donel drew up a
lease for twenty one years with John Bole of Castlebar for all the land of
‘Kiltarnaght’ that had been occupied by Francis Nixon widower containing in
total 29 acres for £16.
III
However
not all the tenants on the O’Donel estate were as well off as the Davis and
Nixon families. The lived a precarious existence and had to put up with crop
failure and famine in many years prior to 1847. The Report from the
Commissioners on Poor Laws in Ireland tells of the conditions present in West
Mayo in 1836. In the parishes of Kilmina and Kilmaclasser, which had a total
population of 12,444 the parish priest Myles Sheridan reported that cottages
were generally let by persons having small holdings from the head landlord at a
rent of ten shillings for a cabin without land. A cabin with half an acre cost
from 30s to 40s depending on the quality of land. Rent was always paid in cash
as distinct from in exchange for labour. Beds were made of straw and placed on
poles supported at head and foot by stones to raise them from the damp of the
floor, which was often wet due to the roof leaking because it was badly
thatched. The economy of the parish had deteriorated markedly in the previous
ten years. The linen trade and the herring fishery had both declined. One
portion of these parishes on the sea coast and islands became victims to the
failure of the fishery and the interior and eastern parts carrying on the
weaving business suffered by the failure of the other. The condition of the
people was generally peaceable except that in the winter of 1831 when tenants
were calling for a reduction in rent. There were no public houses although
there may have been a sheebeen as Father Sheridan when stating that there were
no public houses elucidated by saying he meant there were no licensed houses in
the parish. Illicit distillation did not occur but there was a certain amount
of illicit spirits sold.
Theobald Burke who was a J.P.
testified as to the situation in the parish of Islandeady with a population of
8564. Here the usual rent of a cabin without land was from 10s to £1 and if
there was land attached the charge could be as high as £2 per acre. Rent is
paid in many cases in labour and in others in cash. The cabins were built of
loose stones sometimes dashed and furniture consisted of two or three chairs
and a large form upon which they ate. The bedding was very bad. Usually only
one family lived in a cabin but there were three or four instances where more
than one family resided in the cabin. During the Napoleonic wars the condition
of the poor was prosperous, as the parish was an agricultural one. Since the end
of the war their condition has deteriorated considerably, the population was
increasing to a vast extent and the habit of subdividing their holdings with
their grown families was the principal cause of their poverty. There had been
little disturbance in the parish in the previous three years. There were about
six public houses in this parish and illicit distilling had increased there for
the previous four years due to the cheapness of grain.
Rev
Charles Hargrove gave evidence on the parish of Kilmina with a population of
9,000. Poor people in this parish might have had a second cabin on their little
farm or set a small plot to build on for about £1 per cabin without ground and
more if a small potato patch was also rented. Most of these cabins were most
miserably furnished seldom with bedding and often without chair or table. The
rent was chiefly paid in cash and seldom in exchange for labour. In the
previous four years the condition of the poor was deteriorating every year and
the population increasing rapidly. There were no licensed premises in this
parish but there were several shebeens selling illegal spirits but these
spirits were not made in the parish.
The
standard of clothing in the barony was not good. One of the testators to the
commission, Michael Luddane stated that he had borrowed the coat and breeches
that he was wearing from a neighbour, as he was ashamed of his own old rags.
The annual expenditure for clothes in the tenant families did not exceed £1. An
entire suit was purchased for about £2 and with patching the coat was made to
last at least four or five years. When at home the man was clothed in rags and
was generally without shoes. New clothes were seldom bought for children who
were clothed with their parents cast offs. On holydays and when attending fairs
or markets the men were rarely without shoes and stockings, the women were
generally without either but the children were always so. The men’s coats were
made of frieze woven by local weavers from yarn spun by women of the
neighbourhood. The women wore cloaks of cloth made of the same material. For
other articles of dress they made use of cotton goods. Many people did not have
sufficient warm clothes to enable them to leave their cabins in winter. Most
cabins did not have a bed and the occupants slept on straw on the floor, which
was often damp and rapidly became bad and unwholesome. There were a great many
cabins where the only furniture was a large chest, two or three stools and an
iron pot to boil potatoes. When there was only one bed in the house it was
occupied by the married couple and the younger children. If there was only one
room in the cabin, the remainder of the family male and female lay together on
straw strewn on the clay floor. If there were two rooms, the females slept together
in the inner room where the married couple laid. Sometimes when a man’s son had
got married and there was not a separate bit of land to give him or else that
he could not afford all at once to build another cabin, the young couple and
the old couple together with their grown up brothers and sisters had continued
to all sleep together in the one room for a year and a half. Along the sea
coast where the population was already crowded the cabins were of a very
miserable description, frequently consisting of just one room of from twelve to
eighteen feet long by about twelve broad, built of loose stones with a
thatching of straw or potato stalks. To resist the violence of the westerly
winds the inhabitants found it necessary to bind down the thatch with ropes
composed of reeds and other materials. If these were not available large
flagstones were used to hold down the roof. Inside the rafters were exposed and
there was no other ceiling. The thatch was often so imperfect as not to exclude
the rain which falling onto the floor always of clay contributed to the dirt
and wretchedness of the inmates. Stone chimneys were seldom seen in these
cabins and a hole was left in the roof to allow out the smoke from the fire.
This hole was covered with a wickerwork basket as a partial guide to the smoke
or else a stone was laid flat on the hole in the roof and the smoke exited
through the door. When the cabins were built windows were usually installed,
but when they were broken the glass was often not replaced and the gap closed
with mud or stones. The use of privies was quite unknown even to the more
comfortable occupiers of the mountains, the filth of the house was received and
treasured in an excavation before the door which served the purpose of a dung
pit. There were no sheds for fuel, probably because the way turf was stacked
secured it against the atmosphere. The majority of the houses in the country
had pigsties but the pigs were not always confined to them, as it was deemed
injudicious to exclude them from the warmth of the cabin.
The people could all build their own
cabins. Many raised the necessary wood out of the bogs. Others had to pay 5s or
6s for the door posts and rafters such was the price at which Lord Sligo’s
steward sold timber to Lord Sligo’s tenants. Straw for the roof came to about
10s and a man thatched it in two days at 1s a day. One of the witnesses to the
commission offered to build any number of ordinary cabins at £2 15s a piece. Mr
Ellis, an architect, says he could not build one under £3. In some places
people were charged from 10s to 15s a year for the liberty to erect a cabin.
Where a rood of ground was attached to a cabin the rent was seldom if ever less
than £1 to £1 5s. The landlord never built the cabin. The cabins of the
occupiers of land were for the most part collected in villages situated towards
the centre of the farm held in common without reference to the quality of land.
The location of the village was originally determined by a spring or stream of
water or with a view to being near a county road. These villages consisted of
from three to twenty wretched cabins inhabited by petty tenants and their
subtenants. There was no reason to suppose that the inhabitants of them of them
were either better or worse conducted than those whose cabins were placed
alone.
The tenants stock was often seized
for rent, and most of them compounded with the pound keeper and paid him 1s a
year. Persons who paid this sum were not liable for any further demand from the
pound keeper (who was generally also the driver) no matter what number of
cattle should be driven. The expenses of the bailiffs are certain fixed sums
and often quite disproportionate to the value of the property seized. The
tenants used turf and bogwood for fuel. John Kenny a small ordinary farmer
testifying before the Poor Law Commission estimated that it took him about a
fortnight to cut as much turf as his family required for a year, about fourteen
days more was spent in drying and bringing it home. Woods were never robbed for
fuel but they sometimes were for other purposes such as flail handles. There
was no instance known of a landlord depriving a tenant of fuel as a punishment.
In the years leading up to the Famine Father James Hughes
was the parish priest of Newport. When he died in 1852 the Mayo Constitution which was
the local conservative journal described him as ‘an ornament to his church, a
living bulwark of liberty and a devoted and self devoting friend of the poor’.
On leaving Newport he had been promoted to president of the deanery of
Claremorris and parish priest of Kilcolman. The Evening Freeman in
announcing his death commented ‘Many men have filled more conspicuous positions
and been consequently more in the public eye to whom the title of
‘distinguished ‘ may therefore more fitly apply but if to labour sincerely and
orderly and indefatigably in the cause of religion and charity and county in a
province which long recognised his virtues and now mourns his loss confer
distinction then is our lamented friend eminently well entitled to that
character.’
Alexis de Tocqueville on his tour round Ireland in 1835
had met Father Hughes in Newport. He described him as being a man of about
fifty with an open and energetic face, a little stout with a strong accent. A
little common and dressed in black with riding boots. He lived in a small white
one story house facing the quay with three windows in front and covered with
large white slates. A little stone peristyle was attached to the house and
there was a small meadow at the side. When de Tocqueville and his companion
arrived the priest was absent but there were fifty individuals seated around
his door appearing to be waiting for him. The room where the travellers met
Father Hughes was furnished with old but comfortable furniture and the walls
were covered with coloured engravings of Jesus, the Virgin Mary, the Pope and
one or two religious scenes. Among all these pictures were tacked political
caricatures and on the table were several newspapers. Father Hughes was very
active politically and had entered into several public debates with the
protestant rector of Castlebar Rev William Baker Stoney. He also contributed
widely to the letters columns of both local and national newspapers. De
Tocqueville had read letters Father Hughes had submitted to the newspapers and
had come to ascertain for himself that conditions were as bad as the priest had
stated. Following the publication of the letters donations of £340 had been
sent and the crowd waiting outside the door were hoping to receive some of
this.
A
large supply of oatmeal had been purchased and a committee was set up of three
Catholics and three protestants, to distribute this under the supervision of
the priest. Most of the people waiting for the priest had not eaten since the
previous day when they got their supply of oatmeal. Most of them were small
farmers paying a rent. A partial failure of the potato harvest in 1834 resulted
in a scarcity since March and those who had cows, sheep, and pigs have sold
them in order to live and when they no longer had anything left to sell and
were looking for relief. The committee had decided that the oatmeal should be
sold at half cost price and then more bought rather than giving it away but
they would not let those starve who had no means of purchasing. Because some
members of the committee were not present in town the supplies could not be
distributed until they returned. The priest when he addressed his congregation
outside his house spoke in a loud and animated voice and had a passionate
interest for the people, but at the same time an air of firmness and command.
Father Hughes who was accompanied by two priests from neighbouring parishes
said that the state of society was intolerable and could not last.
The
main form of institutional relief in such periods of crisis was the poor Law
system which had been established in 1836. When the Poor Law Unions were set up
the whole of the Barony of Burrishoole and Ballycroy were included in the Poor
Law Union of Westport. At the first meeting of the Board of Guardians on 20
August 1840 Joseph Burke Esq., Assistant Poor Law Commissioner, was present to
help set up the Union. Among the Guardians elected were George Clendenning
Esq., the marquis of Sligo, Sir Richard O’Donel Bart., Connel O’Donel Esq.,
Joseph A McDonnell Esq., Mr Patrick Gibbons and
Dominick McLoughlin Esq. All of these had connections with Newport.
Wardens appointed were Mr Thomas Garvan for Kilmeena, Mr John O’Donnell for
Kilmaclasser, Mr Austin Hoban for Newport Mr Anthony Lavell for Achill and Mr
Joseph Lenaghan for Ballycroy. At the next meeting on 18 November 1840 Medical
Officers of the Union were appointed to extend the practice of vaccination
against smallpox. Doctor Davis for Newport, Doctor Adams for Achill and Mr
Durkin for Louisburgh. There was nobody appointed for Westport as Doctor
Kearins the Medical Attendant at Westport Dispensary refused the terms offered.
Sir Richard O'Donel, although elected as a Guardian was a very poor attendee at
the meetings in the early years of the Union.
On
26 November 1840, the poor law commissioners, JGS Lefevre, GC Lewis and George
Nichols informed the guardians of the Westport union that a workhouse should be
built within the union of Westport for the reception employment and relief of
1300 destitute poor persons men women and children properly classified.
Initially the workhouse was to be built to accommodate 1000 inmates but it was
never extended for its full complement of 1300. The commissioners estimated the
cost of building and fitting out the workhouse would amount to £9800. The poor
law commissioners directed the guardians of Westport to raise that amount as a
poor rate on the rateable property in the union or to borrow the amount and pay
off the principal and interest of the loan from the poor rate. William Thomas
was appointed clerk of works to superintend the erection of the union workhouse
at a salary of £2 2s 0d per week and Mr James Hearton was appointed to value
all the rateable property in the union at a fee of £540 for eighteen months work.
The board of guardians decided to raise this by requesting a loan from the
exchequer loan commissioners for £10,000 to cover the costs of purchasing the
site, building the workhouse, purchasing additional buildings, paying the clerk
of works and other contingencies.
On
Wednesday August 4 1841, George John, earl of Altamont attended by his brother
James Browne, Colonel Charles Knox, and Joseph Burke Esq., Assistant Poor Law
Commissioner laid the first stone of the workhouse. The following members of the
board of guardians, Geo. Clendenning Esq. Major O O’Malley, J C Garvey, Capt. R
M Haugh, Capt. J T S Stuart, Charles F Hynes, William Levingston, William
Graham, Francis Woodhouse, Charles McDonnell and Dominick McLoughlin were also
present. Sir Richard O’Donel may not have been a guardian at that time as the
minutes announce he was elected the following May along with William Gillespie
for Achill, Edward Malley and Dominick McLoughlin for Newport and John Currigan
for Ballycroy. At the same meeting that the results of the election were
announced James Kean was appointed warden for Newport, Anthony Lavelle for
Achill and Joseph Lenaghan for Ballycroy. At the meeting of 29 June 1842, Mr T
H Burke was appointed medical attendant to the workhouse at an allowance of £50
year, Mr Henry Roe as master at an annual salary of £50, Mrs Julia O’Malley as
matron at £25 a year and James Scott as porter at £10 a year. Mr Thomas
resigned as clerk of works and was replaced by Mr James Davidson. By August 26
John Gibbons was supplying furniture for the workhouse for £227.[265]
After Mr Hearton had completed the
valuation of the rateable property in the Union, it was decided at the
guardians meeting on 28 September to impose a rate of ten pence in the pound on
the electoral division number three comprising the parishes of Kilmaclasser
Newport Achill and Ballycroy. However the county cess collectors declined the
collection of rates and advertisements were made for competent persons for the
collection of rent throughout the Union. Six pence in the pound was to be
allowed for collecting the rate. On 10 October a letter was received from the
poor law commissioners requesting the Westport board of guardians to appoint a
number of justices of the peace as guardians. Among these was Captain James T S
Stuart of Ardagh, Newport. Peter McGuire was appointed as rate collector for
district number three.
At
this stage the workhouse was almost ready for the reception of paupers and the
following items of clothing and bedding were purchased. William Woods supplied
blankets at 1s 9d lb., frieze jackets at 4s 6d, frieze trousers 3s 10d, frieze
waistcoats lined at back with calico and flannel 3s 10d, worsted caps for men
1s and worsted caps for boys at 10d. Patrick Cosgrove supplied linen sheets at
4s 11½d per pair, bannegan trousers at 3s 2½d per pair lined all through with
twilled swans down cotton, corduroy jackets and trousers 4s 9d, men’s shoes at
1s 9d, boy's shoes at 1s 5d, linen shifts at 1s 5d, flannel petticoats, cotton
bedgowns , girls frocks and women’s caps all at 1s 10d. John Lavelle supplied
rugs or coverlets at 2s and linsey woolsey petticoats 2s 2d. James Henry
supplied bed ticks at 3s 9d and bolsters at 1s. Thomas McManamon supplied men’s
shoes at 4s 9d and boys for 3s 5d.
Finally on November 16 1842 a letter was received from the poor law
commissioners stating that the workhouse was fit for reception of paupers. But
in such a poverty stricken area, the guardians were unable to collect the poor
rate, in spite of enlisting the aid of the constabulary and even troops in
their efforts, so the workhouse remained shut until the issue of a writ of
mandamus compelled its opening in November 1845.
On
March 1 1843 Sir Richard A O’Donel was appointed chairman of the board of
guardians. JTS Stuart of Ardagh, Newport was among the ex officio officers.
Guardians elected were Edward Malley, Dominick McLoughlin, William Nixon and
Austin Hoban for Newport, Sir Richard Annesley O’Donel and William Gillespie
for Achill and William Lundy for Ballycroy. Peter McGuire had been reasonably
successful in collecting rates, returning £29 2s 6d in December 1842, £66 10s
in January 1843, £67 10s in March, £85 7s 6d. in April and £159 17s 6d in May.
Even with this amount there was still £339 remaining uncollected. The following
year the marquis of Sligo was again Chairman and Sir Richard Annesley O’Donel
vice chairman. James Keane was appointed warden for Newport, Anthony Lavelle
for Achill and John Currigan for Ballycroy. In 1844 Sir Richard was now elected
for Newport rather than Achill. His fellow guardians in Newport were Edward
Malley, Austin Hoban and William Nixon while William Gillespie and Huston Nixon
represented Achill. William Lundy was the guardian for Ballycroy.
Newport
Poor Law union was separated from the Westport Poor Law Union in 1849 when work
on the construction of the workhouse costing £5965 and having accommodation for
five hundred inmates was commenced.
It had a valuation of £8159 and was divided into ten electoral divisions but it
was not until 1852 however that the workhouse was opened. The electoral
divisions were represented by ten elected and eight ex officio guardians who
met weekly at 11 a.m. on Mondays in the courthouse. Collection of poor rates
was to be divided into three areas and advertisements were made in the local
press for people to tender for the positions and stating the rate at which they
would collect the new rates in the Union. The three areas the poor law union was
divided into and the rates assigned for this purpose were Achill consisting of the district electoral
divisions of Achill and Curraun at 2s 11d in the £ and Dooega and Slievemore at
1s 10½d in the £. Ballycroy was made up of Ballycroy north at 10½d in the £ and
Ballycroy south and Newport west at 2s 11d in the £. Newport consisted of
Newport east at 2s 6d in the £, Derrylohan at 1s 0½d in the £ and Shramore at
5d in the £.
The chairman of the Newport board of
guardians in 1851 was the marquis of Sligo.
Other guardians included Sir Richard A O’Donel and James Hillis Esq.
Persons desirous of becoming clerk of the Union had been asked to attend but as
there were no applicants for the situation of clerk in attendance, Dodwell
Browne was appointed to act temporarily as Clerk, at a salary of one pound per
week. Advertisements were inserted in the local newspapers the Connacht
Telegraph and the Mayo Constitution stating that applications for
the appointment of Clerk would be considered at the courthouse at Newport on
Monday 29 October 1851. Applications were to be accompanied by testaments of
character and letters from two solvent persons stating their willingness to
become sureties in a joint bond for the sum of £100. Salary was to be £50.
Thomas Clarkson was appointed relieving officer for the electoral divisions of
Newport East, Shramore, Derryloughan, and Newport West at a salary of £50 per
annum. Thomas Nixon was appointed relieving officer of the electoral divisions
of Achill, Dooega, Slievemore, and Currane, Achill at a salary of £50 and John
Currigan was appointed relieving officer of the electoral divisions of
Ballycroy North and Ballycroy South at a salary of £40.
John
Bole was appointed distributor of provisions to the recipients of outdoor
relief in Achill electoral division, Dooega electoral division, Slievemore
electoral division and Curraun Achill electoral division at a remuneration of
5s per £10 of relief given. John Currigan was appointed distributor for
Ballycroy north electoral division and Ballycroy south electoral division and
William Walsh for Newport east electoral division, Shramore electoral division,
Derryloughan electoral division and Newport west electoral division. The master
of the Westport workhouse was asked to give a weekly census of each class of
paupers from the Newport Poor Law union in the Westport workhouse. William
Levingston agreed to supply one ton of rye meal at Westport Quay at the rate of
£6 10s 0d per ton and Pat Grehan was to be paid 15s a ton to deliver this to
Ballycroy. By June 1852 the board was advertising for suppliers to tender for
the supply by the following September of upper shoe leather at per lb., sole
leather at per lb. and shoemakers findings by the cwt. They also wished to
appoint a shoemaker to instruct the boys at the workhouse.
In
October a reporter of the Mayo Constitution was refused admission to a
meeting of the Newport guardians. He was there to present tenders for
advertisements as well as report but was made to wait outside for hours. He
reported that the meeting of the guardians was the only one in the province
that the press could not attend and would like to know the real supplier of
milk to the workhouse who got 4d a gallon for skim milk and 2¾d for buttermilk.
The latter being the price for new milk in Castlebar workhouse.
Reading between the lines he seemed to be implying that one of the guardians
was producing the milk but using someone else’s name on the tender to supply
it. It was decided at a meeting in October that it would be necessary to
appoint an assistant matron. She was to be paid a salary of £8 per annum with
apartment and rations of bread and milk and an allowance of four pounds per
annum in lieu of meat tea and sugar.
Even though Mr James Hearton had
valued all the property in the Newport Union in 1842, when it had been part of
the Westport Union, the guardians decided to revalue the property and
advertised for a valuator at a fee of £20. He would have to sustain his
valuation against all cases of appeal made and the revision must be completed
within one month from the date of appointment. He would also need a number of
solvent persons to give surety for him in a bond of the sum of £100.
Following the valuation the rates
were also increased. Dooega increased from 1s 10 ½d to 8s 6d in the £, Curraun
from to 8s 8d in the £, Ballycroy North from 10 ½d to 8s 4d in the £, Ballycroy
South from 2s 11d to 7s 4d in the £ and Newport East from 2s 6d to 9s 8d in the
£. Shramore increased from 5d to 9s 9d in the £, Derrylohan from 1s 0 ½d to 9s
4d in the £, Newport West from 2s 11d to 9s 4d in the £, Achill from to 9s 9d
in the £ and Slievemore from 1s 10 ½d to 9s 2d in the £.
The workhouse porter must have
vacated his position in February 1854 as the guardians advertised for an
applicant to fill the vacant position at a salary of £8 per annum with
apartments and rations.
An annual notice to tender to supply the workhouse was issued in September 1854
and articles required included whole flour at per ton, second flour at per ton,
oatmeal at per ton, Indian meal at per ton, white bread at per 4lb loaf. Other
supplies required included candles per lb., beef and mutton per lb., soap per
cwt., turnips per cwt., cabbages per score and onions per stone. Items of
clothing included calico white and grey per yard, check per yard, frieze per yard,
shambray per yard and lindsey woolsey per yard. Straw per ton was also
requested. This was probably used for bedding and lime per barrel might have
been used for disinfection or if it was quicklime for burying the dead paupers
that might have died of infectious diseases. Sweet oil per gallon was also
required as well as turf per ton to be supplied from the following July. The guardians also slipped into their tender
application wine per bottle. This may have been for their own entertainment at
the weekly board meetings or for a night-cap for the master and the two matrons
of the workhouse. Tenders were to be accompanied by samples where practicable.
In
1855 the guardians were chairman Sir Richard Annesley O’Donel, vice chair Peter
Denis Browne, Treenlaur, Newport. George C O’Donel of Newport House who was
nephew of Sir Richard was deputy vice chair. Dodwell Browne was still the
returning officer. Patrick Gibbons had been appointed master of the workhouse
and the matron was Jane Sharply. The two chaplains were Rev George Robert
Gildea for the established church and Rev Mathew Flannelly for the Catholic
church. The medical officer for the workhouse was James Davis who also covered
the Newport Dispensary area. Samuel Laird was responsible for the Achill dispensary
and the position in Ballycroy was vacant.
In
1858 Sir Richard was still chairman William Pike had replaced Peter Denis
Browne as vice chair and George C O’Donel, who was now known by the appellation
of Sir George C O’Donel and lived at Melcomb House Newport was still deputy
vice chairman.
IV
However
though institutional relief was geared to deal with limited subsistence crises
and the effect on relations between landlord and tenants, it was not in a
position to deal with the sort of widespread shortage of food which occurred in
1847. The events of that year expose many of the weaknesses of the rural world
of the landlord in response to the crisis.
James
Hack Tuke a Quaker from York made a six-week tour of Ireland in 1847 and
published a summary of his findings.
This gave a good indication of the state of hardship and deprivation of the
peasantry in West Mayo during the Famine.
Some disparaging remarks were made about Sir Richard O’Donel which
resulted in extensive correspondence between Sir Richard and the Central Relief
Committee and probably would have resulted in legal proceedings being taken
except for the intervention of Jonathan Pim one of the secretaries of the
committee.
Tuke
commented on the fact that the cultivated land in Connaught was so minutely
divided that out of 46,000 farms, 44,000 were under fifteen acres and held by
men too poor to employ any hired labourers. This would have been similar in the
Barony of Burrishoole where 63 per cent of holdings were under fifteen acres in
1851. It must be remembered that the large amount of mountain grazing in this
area resulted in holdings being larger than they were in east Mayo but the
production per acre would be lower. Tuke stated that the division of land in many
parts of Ireland had been promoted by the landlords to increase their own
political influence, the more tenants they had, the more votes they had to
control in poor law and government elections.
The
soil and climate of Connaught were ideally suited to growing flax and there had
been a marked increase in the area grown in 1847, two thousand four hundred and
ninety nine acres were grown in Mayo. Half of this had been grown in the
neighbourhood of Newport an increase from fifty acres in 1844.
At
the time of Tuke’s visit to Newport, nearly 1,000 workers mainly women, were
engaged by Sir Richard O’Donel, in harvesting the crops, the women earned 4d a
day and the men 8d. He commented that this was a miserable wage but the workers
were cheerful and industrious. Nearly half of the flax grown around Newport was
in Sir Richard O’Donel’s own hands, and he was purchasing the remainder from
his tenants at the rate of £5 to £7 and in some cases £9 per acre. The seed
cost about 25s and the two diggings and other expenses which are required cost
a further 28s, to which must be added the cost of the extra quantity of manure
after so exhausting a crop as flax. After these outlays there could be little
left for the tenant to live upon. He felt that O’Donel was making a substantial
personal profit from the flax grown by his tenants. This was one of the two
accusations that O’Donel felt most aggrieved about, and in the second edition
of his letter Tuke seems to make a partial apology stating that since the
publication of the first edition Sir Richard O’Donel had informed him through a
neutral friend, probably Jonathan Pim, that the flax grown upon his estate was
sown too late in the season to produce an average crop. Also in the growth and
purchase he was merely acting on behalf of a firm in Manchester with whom he
had contracted to grow the crop. He was however unwilling to agree that the
rent charged to O’Donel’s tenants was as low as he stated. Another improvement
by Sir Richard was the building of a flour and scutching mill at Newport.
However mechanisation of the process where labour is so superabundant would
seem counterproductive and better quality linen was produced in Belgium by hand
rather than machine.
Reverend
George Robert Gildea had established a small linen manufactory, which employed
a considerable number of handloom weavers and nearly seven hundred women were
engaged in hand scutching and spinning flax earning from 3s to 3s 6d a week.
The Quakers were very strongly against gratuitous relief and instead gave the
people a means to provide an income for themselves. This could be by providing
vegetable seeds for which they could sell a crop and repay the cost of the seed
or provision of clothing to the fishermen in Achill which could be repaid from
the sale of their catch. The normal practice for tenants of west Mayo estates
was to grow a cash crop, usually corn, to pay the rent and a potato patch to
provide subsistence. When the potato crop failed the tenants did not want to
part with the corn crop, as it might be their only means of subsistence. The
landlords fearing they would not receive their rent and arrears unless the
tenant sold the cash crop employed the driver or bailiff to ‘cant’ the small
patches of oats or potatoes or placed keepers over the crop. The charge of
guarding the crop was added to the tenants rent. Even the produce of seed,
distributed by benevolent associations such as the Central Relief Committee had
been totally used to pay the rent and these guarding charges and nothing was
left to help sustain the landholder. At a time when the charity of the whole
world had been turned towards the relief of this starving peasantry, Tuke found
it unbelievable that the landlords would then evict these same tenants if they
did not obtain their rent. He was particularly concerned when on his visit to
Achill, he saw at what he described as ‘the wretched fishing village of Kiel,
belonging to Sir Richard O'Donel’ an example of this where a few days previous
a total of forty families had been ejected. On this second point of contention
O’Donel was most annoyed with Tuke. In the second edition Tuke makes a
retraction stating that he had been informed that O’Donel was only the nominal
owner, this part of his property having been under the control of the Court of
Chancery for many years. Tuke describes in harrowing detail the result of this
eviction;
A
crowd of these miserable ejected creatures collected around us, bewailing with
bitter lamentations their hard fate. One old grey haired man came tottering up
to us bearing in his arms his bedridden wife; and putting her down at our feet,
pointed in silent agony to her, and then to his roofless dwelling, the charred
timbers of which were scattered in all directions around. This man said he owed
little more than one years rent, and had lived in the village, which had been
the home of his forefathers all his life. Another man with five motherless
children had been expelled and their boiling pot sold for 3s 6d. Another family
consisting of a widow and four young children, had their only possession ‘ a little
sheep’ seized and sold for 5s 6d.
One
hundred and fifty tenants who had been evicted owing from half a years to a
year and half’s rent were faced with a walk of nearly forty miles to the
workhouse of the Union in Westport. Some indeed would never reach their
destination, death would release them from their sufferings and the landlord
from his burden.
Following the publication of James
Tuke’s account, Sir Richard O’Donel wrote to Pim complaining about the remarks
made about him. Pim wrote to Tuke that when Tuke first proposed mentioning what
he had seen on Sir R O'Donel’s property that he had objected to it, though he
did not push his objections as strongly as he felt and wished he had done. He
felt that ‘it was very undesirable when writing about a class to mention
individual names and especially in Ireland when it was so hard ascertain the
true facts and we must judge a man in reference to the circumstances in which
he is placed and the character of those by whom he is surrounded.’ Pim said
that he believed Sir R O’Donnell to be a good rather than a bad specimen of the
landed class in the West of Ireland, energetic, economical in his private
expenditure, strictly moral in his habits. He also believed him to be
conscientious in his conduct towards his equals and his dependants though at
the same time with a conscience much less enlightened than he would probably
possess if he lived in Yorkshire or Wexford. He was also at that time under
circumstances of strong temptation due to his financial position and the great
depreciation in the value of his estates. Under these circumstances to see him
given as an example of a bad landlord must have surprised all those acquainted
with the county of Mayo.
The barony of Burrishoole consisted
of the parishes of Achill, Burrishoole, Islandeady, Kilmaclasser and Kilmeena.
The relief commission papers give details of the severity of the Famine in
these parishes. From the parish of Achill Edward Grainger constable reported
that in 1844 there were 455 acres of potatoes planted and the same amount in
1845 and 1846. No land was let in conacre for the planting of potatoes.
In the Curraun part of the Achill parish Constable Robert Stretton reported
from Mulranny that in 1844 there were 156 acres of potatoes planted 161 in 1845
and 143 in 1846. Rape was sown in place of potatoes. Robert Stretton also
reported from the Mulranny end of the Burrishoole parish that 362 acres of
potatoes were planted in 1844, 376 in 1845 and 308 in 1846. There were ten
acres planted in conacre in 1844 fifteen acres in 1845 and seven acres in 1846.
Oats or rye was sown in the place of potatoes. From the Newport end of
Burrishoole parish Head constable Monkton Creagh reported that in 1844 there
were 1,402 acres of potatoes planted with seventy three acres in conacre, in
1845 1,456 with eighty eight acres in conacre and in 1846 1,116 with thirty
four acres planted in conacre. In place of potatoes oats barley flax and
turnips were sown. Peter Keary constable reported that in the Glenisland part
of the parish of Islandeady in 1844 there were 693 acres of potatoes planted
with seven acres in conacre, in 1845 672 with eight acres in conacre, in 1846
573 with six acres planted in conacre. Barley and flax were sown in place of
potatoes. In the other part of the Islandeady parish Denis Walsh sub Inspector
reported that in 1844 there were 410 acres of potatoes planted with seventy
nine in conacre, in 1845 418 acres and the amount planted in conacre was not
known and in 1846 408 acres with twenty two acres planted in conacre. The
people in this parish were not able to sow any crop in place of potatoes and
the land was left waste for want of seeds or means to set it. In one part of
the parish of Kilmaclasser in 1844 there were 423 acres of potatoes planted, in
1845 421 acres and in 1846 312 acres. There was no conacre planted in this
parish and oats, barley and flax were sown in place of potatoes. In the other
part of the parish in 1844 there were 407 acres of potatoes planted with sixty
five acres in conacre, in 1845 413 acres and in 1846 four hundred and twenty
acres, the amount planted with potatoes had actually increased although there
were only eight acres planted in conacre.
In
part of the parish of Kilmeena in 1844 there were 239 acres of potatoes
planted with eight acres in conacre, in
1845 249 acres with nine and a half in conacre and in 1846 201 with four acres
in conacre and oats barley and flax was sown in the place of potatoes. In the
other part of the parish in 1844 there were 1,106 acres of potatoes planted
with 106 acres in conacre. In 1845 1,141 acres were planted with potatoes and
in 1846 1,075 acres with forty four acres planted in conacre. In this parish
when the seed failed in the ground many persons for want of means to replant
left the land waste.
Prior to the Famine Sir Richard had
been encouraging the improvement of agriculture in his estate and had allowed
premiums of £10 5s 2d to his tenants and £35 16s 4d for drainage grants. He had
also subscribed £10 to the Ballinrobe Agricultural Society and had encouraged
his better tenants to exhibit their produce there. After the famine drainage
schemes were carried out in the estate at Cuilmore, Mullaun and Tawnawoggaun.
The Society of Friends or ‘Quakers’ as they
were commonly known set up the Central Relief Committee on 13 November 1846 and
a large amount of their work was carried out in Mayo.
Relief to Mayo during the period of the Famine consisted of 696 tons of food,
twenty nine food boilers, £2309 in money, sixty one clothing grants and 54,172
lbs. of seeds, the majority of which were turnips.
The
Central Relief Committee had in early 1847 sent a grant of provisions for the
poor of Newport district. Sir Richard thanking them for their generous donation
called to their attention the neglected state of cultivation of the lands
around Newport and unless prompt action were taken he feared a repeat of the
previous years calamity. It was too late to sow oats but there was still time
to put in a flax crop. Flax seed, both Riga and American, was freely available
in Westport and if a loan of £250 could be made he would hope to purchase one
hundred lbs. of flaxseed and induce his tenants to sow a large crop of flax
which was likely to be very remunerative. He was willing to contribute £50
himself and stated he would willingly give the entire amount if it was in his
power to do so.
William Todhunter replied requesting more details and these were supplied a
week later. Five thousand acres in the parish of Burrishoole were suitable for
the growth of flax. All unfortunately were lying waste and about fourteen men
would be employed in the cultivation of each acre. The return would be about
sixty cwt of straw per Irish acre out of which there would be sixty stone of
flax. An acre of good average flax on the foot was worth £12 and costs included
seed per acre £1 15s 0d, labour 12s, harrowing 3s, weeding and pulling 15s. In
1845 Sir Richard developed an interest in promoting the growth of flax but
could only purchase about three tons of flax in the markets of Westport and
Newport. In the year 1846 it increased to 21 tons 8 cwt. 0 qr. 13 lb. for which
he paid £1047 4s 6 ½ d. In the year 1847 he had bought up to the beginning of
May 94 tons 13 cwt. 0 qr. 62 lb. at a cost of £3755 18s 4d which was sold for
export through Pinkerton and Thompson in Westport. Sir Richard in his closing
statement to Todhunter said ‘a little thing will help a poor man and I do
believe that a few quarts of flax seed would help many a poor creature from
ruin but let us not forget that not one moment should be lost.’
Jonathan Pim, one of the secretaries
of the Central Relief Committee and a successful textile manufacturer, decided,
rather than delaying the grant by having it go before various subcommittees, to
advance the money from his own personal funds. He however stipulated that seed
which is expected to procure a valuable crop should not be given away but the
recipients should give an undertaking that they would repay its cost from the
sale of the resulting crop. He did not ask Sir Richard to be personally
responsible for these debts but did suggest that the repayment of the loan for
the flax seed should take precedence over Sir Richard’s own rents. The
committee was aware of the destitute condition of the district and was very willing
to afford further assistance to provide the inhabitants with food.
Sir Richard replied the following
day thanking Jonathan Pim for acceding to his request to provide funds for the
purchase of flaxseed. He also agreed that although he was against gratuitous
relief and felt that the parties receiving the seed should give the best
security they could procure for its repayment in the present circumstances this
would be very difficult. He was owed £4000 for seed, oats, guano, and green
crop seeds given out on loan to the people in 1846. He said he would only
purchase the flax seed conditionally until he heard from Pim if the security
was absolutely conditional on the grant being made.
Pim replied three days later stating ‘If anything is repaid it is well if not
we cannot help it. I wish it to be fully understood that I do not hold thee in
any respect accountable.’
Pim wrote again on May 13, requesting more information about the condition of
the people around Newport, the proportion of the ground cultivated in 1846 that
had been tilled in 1847 and what sort of crops have been put in. What hopes
were there for the people being able to support themselves by their own labour
and how far the relief afforded by the new act would improve the situation. Pim
also asked to be informed on the amount of seed and acreage sown with flax as
this was the only grant made by the Central Relief Committee in 1847 for seed.
William
Todhunter in correspondence with Jonathan Pim felt that the £250 advanced by
Jonathan Pim would be returned by O’Donel although he felt that he did not use
it as wisely as he might have ‘doing mischief in blindly following his
hobbies’, whereas he had put it to better use than money advanced to Reverend
Nangle in Achill, who had completely wasted it.
Sir Richard had little influence and
no legal power in Achill, which had been at that time nineteen years under the
Court of Chancery. The driver who was responsible for the evictions was in the
pay of the Court authorities. In fact it was not a legal eviction at all but a
forcible turning out of squatters or conacre tenants by the legal tenants
holding leases in which forcible legal evictions they were assisted by the
driver of the Receiver of the Court of Chancery. As regards the land used for
growing flax in Newport, Sir Richard O’Donel stated that the ground on which
the flax was grown had been under corn the previous year. It would not bring
another crop without manure and would therefore have remained idle or have been
unprofitably tilled had not the flax been grown. The rate of rent for this
grant would have averaged 5s per acre instead of 30s .
As
well as requesting aid from the Central Relief Committee Sir Richard O’Donel in
1847 also organised the shipment of a cargo of Indian corn shipped from Glasgow
on the vessel “Margauds” and consisting of about 60 tons Prince White American
Indian Corn and 120 tons Prince Zillawado. This cost £18 a ton delivered at the
Quay at Newport.
One
would expect on an estate of seventy thousand acres that there were a large
number of employees. A partial list exists for 1843 and this might cover also
the portion of the estate in Cong as several of the names do not appear
anywhere else in the Burrishoole documents. Sir Richard O’Donel farmed a large
part of his estate himself and there are several references in the O’Donel
papers to ‘my agriculturalist’. This would be the farm overseer. There would
also be bailiffs employed, farm managers, labourers, gardeners and house
servants. Anthony Lavelle was the bailiff of the Achill estate and was paid an
annual salary of £16 16s 4d and John Corrigan was the bailiff of Ballycroy
estate being paid a salary of £10. Laurence Boyle was paid £31 10s, Anthony Kim
£20, William Ferris £10 10s, John Elwoood, J Heathley and Peter Lavelle £10
each, Joseph Huddy £8, Gallagher and Moran £6 each, Anthony Keane £4, F
McManamon was paid £2 2s, Stephen McManamon, Francis Sweeney and J Dogherty £2
each, Conor Patten £1 10s, John Ruddy £1 and Boy Keeher 5s. Apart from Lavelle
and Corrigan the account does not state what the duties of each individual
were.
The population of Mayo decreased
from 388,887 to 246,030 between 1841 and 1871, a decline of 37 per cent. This
was even more marked in the Barony of Burrishoole where it decreased from 39,853
to 20,601, a decrease of 48 per cent.
Figure 9 Percentage of Population in Parish by Landlord .
Figure 10 Decrease in population by Landlord.
Figure 11 Comparison of Landlords, Griffiths
Value per acre and decrease population 1841 -1851
Figure 12
Comparison of Landlords, Acres per person and decrease population 1841
-1851
Sir
Richard O’Donel was by far the biggest landlord in the parish of Burrishoole.
He owned sixty nine townlands as compared to fifteen each for Sir William
Palmer and the marquis of Sligo. Colonel Gore owned twelve townlands. The
amount of land that was owned again showed O’Donel to be the major landholder
with 29,787 acres in the parish of Burrishoole. The marquis of Sligo had 8135
acres, Colonel Gore 5496 and Sir William Palmer 1914 acres. Sir Richard O’Donel
also had the majority of tenants with 6,413 with 1,637 paying rent to the
marquis of Sligo and 1,585 to Colonel Gore. Sir William Palmer had 695 tenants.
The
total decrease in the population of the parish between 1841 and 1851 was 45.78
per cent. This varied between the four major landlords from 43.17 per cent for
Sir William Palmer to 51.13 per cent for the marquis of Sligo with Colonel Gore
at 46.69 per cent and Sir Richard O’Donel at 49.66 per cent in between.
When
the decline is population was compared with the number of acres per person it
is found that the greatest decline occurred in the most heavily populated
townlands. This varied between the four landlords and all had the greatest
decline in townlands with less than one acre per person this varied from 63.68 per cent for Colonel Gore to 72.49 per
cent for Sir Richard O’Donel. A
100 per cent decline or
total loss of population occurred from two townlands owned by Sir William
Palmer where there were more than one hundred acres per person and in the same
category in the estate of Sir Richard O’Donel the population declined by 80.95
per cent between 1841 and 1851.
In areas where there was between two and ten acres per person the contrast
between landlords was more marked, an average decrease of just over 10
per cent taking place on the
estate of Sir William Palmer and greater than 50 per cent on that of the marquis of Sligo.
When the decrease in population is compared
with the value of land it is seen with three out of the four landlords greater
decreases occurred in the most valuable land, according to the valuation put on
it subsequently by Sir William Griffith in 1857. The exception to this being
Colonel Gore where the biggest decrease of 49.75 per cent was in the second least valuable
category of land valued at between £0.21 and £0.4 per acre. This would suggest
that the other three landlords, O’Donel, Palmer and Sligo were clearing their
most valuable land to make more profitable farms for future tenants. The
previous tenants, who may have been evicted could have been either forced into
the workhouse, emigrated or have died during the Famine.
In 1851 there were 1,035 occupants in Newport
workhouse. It is possible that a proportional greater number of tenants of the
resident landlord and chairman of the Poor Law Guardians of the Newport
Workhouse were admitted than those of the other landlords in the parish. To
determine this the admission records for the workhouse would need to be
consulted and unfortunately these have not survived.
Asenath Nicholson visited Newport in 1847 and was told by the local
postmistress Mrs Arthur that she had fed a little boy, once a day, whose
parents and brothers and sisters were dead, with the exception of one little
sister.
The boy was seven years old, the sister five. They were told
they must make application to the poorhouse, at Castlebar, which was ten Irish
miles away.' One cold rainy day in November, this boy took his little sister by
the hand, and faint with hunger set off for Castlebar. And now, reader, if you
will, follow these little bare-footed, bare-headed Connaught orphans through a muddy road of ten miles, on a rainy
day, without food, and see them at the work-house, late at night. The doors are
closed. At last, they succeed in being heard. The girl is received; the boy
sent away no room for him. He made his way back to Newport the next morning,
and had lived by crawling into any place he could at night, and once a day
called at the door of my friend who fed him.
When Mrs Arthur cleaned him up, dressed him in a new
suit of clothes and was about to burn his old rags he became upset. He
explained this as he felt that no one would believe he was in need if he was
wearing fine clothes but Mrs Arthur fed and paid for his education at the local
school.
Asenath
Nicholson also commented that turnips were not an adequate substitute for the
potato. Even though they were easy to grow, and seed was distributed by many
relief agencies particularly the Central Relief Committee, they were not as
nutritious as potatoes and even when a larger amount was consumed at a meal
than was normal with potatoes hunger still remained. The stomachs of the
peasants were so swollen, especially children's, that it was a pitiable sight
to see them. Black bread was distributed by the relief officers to those on
outdoor relief schemes and also to the children in school. The bread was quite
indigestible and was thought to contain either turf mould or some continental
material for bread that the government had deposited in that region some
twenty- nine years before, which had become damaged, and then could not be
sold.
She
further said ‘Whether the poor lived or whether they died on this bread, or by
this bread, I do not pretend to say, only that death was doing its work by
hunger, fever and dysentery continually.’
The Famine and its accompanying hardship affected not only the small cottagers
around Newport. Nicholson further recounted ‘A former rector by the name of
Wilson died in the summer of 1847, leaving a widow and four children on a
pretty spot, where they had resided for years, and gathered the comforts of
life about them. I saw step by step all taken for taxes and rent; everything
that had life out of doors that could be sold at auction, was sold; then
everything of furniture, till beds and tables left the little cottage, and the
mother was put in jail and is now looking through its grates, while her
children are struggling for bread.’ These were tenants of Sir Richard O'Donel.
Charles Wilson was the incumbent of Achill in 1847.
A Rose Wilson died in the rectory at Newport in 1873 at the age of seventy. She
is buried in Newport Churchyard.
As
noted previously James Hack Tuke had received a rebuke for making allegations
about O’Donel ordering evictions. Nicholson also remarked on O’Donel’s driver
that had been evicting tenants and her view was that ignorance was no defence
and that landlords were responsible for those that they employed.
But this
fearless 'driver' throws, or causes to be thrown down, cabin after cabin, and
sometimes whole villages, of which it is said the landlord was entirely
ignorant; but the pitiless storm heeded not that, and the poor starved exiles
pleading that the cabin might be left a little longer, have no pity, their pot
and even the cloak, which is the peasant woman's all by night and by day, has
often been torn from her emaciated limbs and sold at auction. Perhaps in no
instance does the oppression of the poor and the sighing of the needy come
before the mind so vividly as when going over the places made desolate by the
Famine; to see the tumbled cabins, with the poor hapless inmates who had for
years sat around their turf fire, and ate their potato together, now lingering
and oftentimes wailing in despair, their ragged barefooted little ones clinging
about them, one on the back of the weeping mother, and the father looking in
silent despair, while a part of them are scraping among the rubbish to gather
some little relic of mutual attachment (for the poor, reader, have their tender
remembrances); then, in a flock, take their solitary, their pathless way to
seek some rock or ditch to encamp supperless for the night, without either
covering for the head or the feet, with not the remnant of a blanket to spread
over them in the ditch, where they must crawl. Are these solitary cases? Happy
would it be were it so, but village upon village, and company after company have
I seen; and one magistrate who was travelling informed me that at nightfall the
preceding day he found a company who had gathered a few sticks and fastened
them into the ditch, and spread over what miserable rags they could collect
(for the rain was fast pouring); and under these more than two hundred men,
women and children were to crawl for the night. He alighted from his car, and
counted more than two hundred. They had all that day been driven out, and not
one pound of any kind of food was in the whole encampment!
She was told of an occurrence when during the funeral
of a respectable young woman, a young lad availed of the opportunity while the
gate was open to carry in a large sack on his back, which contained two
brothers, one seventeen, the other a little boy, who had died by starvation. In
one corner he dug, with his own emaciated feeble hands, a grave, and put them
in, uncoffined, and covered them, while the clods were falling upon the coffin
of the respectable young woman.
V
The
extent to which the landlords assisted their tenants in time of need is subject
to debate. De Tocqueville interviewing the three parish priests of Newport and
the surrounding parishes in 1835 remarked that they were all of the opinion
that the two main landlords in the area the marquis of Sligo and Sir Richard
O’Donel had done nothing to help relieve the distress. One of the reasons for
this was that almost all the great landlords were very financially embarrassed
and also there was a profound hatred between them and the population. All the
great families of Mayo at the time were Catholics who had become protestants to
keep their property, or protestants who had seized the property of Catholics.
The population regarded them as apostates or as conquerors and detested them. In
return the landlords did not feel any sympathy for the tenants. They let the
farmers die before their eyes or evicted them from their miserable dwellings on
the slightest pretext. While such a large proportion of the population were
starving the marquis of Sligo had a thousand sheep on the surrounding
grasslands and several of his granaries were full yet the population had no
idea of seizing these means of subsistence. They would sooner die than touch
them partly due to religious virtue but also from fear of hanging or
transportation for stealing from the landlord. It was evident that the priests,
if they were not encouraging the people to revolt, would not be in the least
sorry if they did revolt, and their indignation against the upper classes was
lively and deep. The priest and the protestant minister were at open war, and
they fought for souls with a very great fervour. They attacked each other in
the newspapers and in the pulpit in very bitter style. The protestant minister
had called the Catholic ‘a blood thirsty priest.’ And the epithets the priest
used were hardly more complimentary.
When
the tenants on the estate were undergoing severe hardship Sir Richard O’Donel
was installing in his house the latest water closets which he ordered from
Patrick Ternan, plumber and water closet manufacturers, 13 Winetavern Street,
Dublin.
Five years later the effects of the Famine had largely disappeared from the
parish when Mr James Caine was advertising his hotel in the Mayo
Constitution. He stated that he proposed conducting in the best possible
styles and flatters himself that from the accommodation that he can afford
families wishing to frequent a western sea port during the summer months will
find it thus advantageous to call at his establishment. Apartments would also
be available for invalids who may wish to enjoy pure air and picturesque
scenery and every attention paid to their comforts. Well aired beds, good
attendance, comfort, cleanliness and moderate charges. Post chaise and cars
would be available on the shortest notice.
However severe damage had been done to the finances of the O’Donels during the
preceding twenty years and they were forced to sell their estate in the
Encumbered Estates Court.
This
thesis examined one landed estate in County Mayo in the late eighteenth and
early nineteenth centuries and how it became fragmented over time.
The
first chapter examined the origin growth and decline of the O’Donel estate from
the purchase of the estate in 1788. The main factors in the decline were
financial involving extensive borrowing and settlements made on marriages of
daughters and to younger sons of the family. This was not matched by a
corresponding growth in income over time. The amount of land the landlord owned
was associated with status. Land was a necessary attribute of a gentry family.
Their perception was that the more land that they owned the better their
status. Even when the family was in dire financial straits would not consider
selling land. By 1832 debts totalling £75,499 had accumulated on the estate.
Also associated with status was the honour system. It was vital for the
aristocracy to uphold personal and family honour in the eighteenth and early
nineteenth century. This resulted in three members of the O’Donel family
fighting in duels. The result of these duels was that two of the family, James
Moore O’Donel and Hugh O’Donel were seriously wounded, James Moore subsequently
dying from his wounds.
The
O’Donels owned land in three baronies of Mayo, the Tarmon estate in the barony
of Erris, the Cong estate in the barony of Kilmaine and the Newport estate in
the barony of Burrishoole. The second chapter concentrated on the various
economic factors at work in the Newport estate, and specifically that part in
the parish of Burrishoole, that contributed to financial difficulty, resulting
in the family having to sell most of the estate. Mayo had a much higher share
than average of insolvent proprietors whose estates were encumbered or
bankrupt.
The marquis of Sligo depicted the state
of
insolvency when writing to the Chief Secretary for Ireland E G Stanley in
January 1831:
All
the gentry of Mayo are beggars, a state in which I fancy with few exceptions,
are placed a great majority of my imprudent countrymen in this province. I
happen to know that the estates of the gentry in this county are mortgaged or
engaged for one million and a half of money.
If
this were true the debt would have exceeded the rental of the county by 300 per
cent.
Periods of food shortage had occurred in the years before the famine and the
French traveller Alexis de Tocqueville, in the journal of his tour around
Ireland in 1835 tells of his visit to a priest in Newport. ‘The priest’s house
was surrounded by starving peasants awaiting the distribution of corn, which he
had secured for their survival’.
The historian James S. Donnelly jr. writes of the west of Ireland ‘there the
appalling degree of destitution and the extremely small size of holdings
combined in a doubly destructive assault on landlord incomes. This combination
was at its worst in County Mayo ‘.
The
loss of rents was devastating, in some cases tenants were two or three years in
arrears and also as 75 per cent of leased land was valued at under £4 this
meant that the poor rates on these lands fell to the landlords to pay.
Even without the onset of potato blight a disaster was waiting to happen in the
area. The population had increased dramatically in the previous fifty years in
response to an improvement in the economy, the expansion of the linen industry
and a greater demand and therefore higher prices for agricultural produce
because of the Napoleonic Wars. A sudden downturn in the economy due to the
ending of the war, the decline of the linen industry due to increased industrialisation
in the textile industry in England and the north eastern counties of Ireland,
left a large population without the land resources to feed itself. The
landlords because of their encumbered financial circumstances were unable to
come to the assistance of their tenantry.
The
third chapter examined the relationships between the O’Donel family and the
tenants using the Famine as a case study of these relationships. Periods of
distress had occurred in the years proceeding the famine and de Tocqueville in
1835 had obtained the opinion of two parish priests from the neighbouring
parishes to Newport that the two main landlords in the area the marquis of
Sligo and Sir Richard O’Donel had done nothing to help relieve the distress.
One of the reasons for this was that almost all the great landlords were very
financially embarrassed and also there was a profound hatred between them and
the population. Many of the great families of Mayo at the time were Catholics
who had become protestants to keep their property, or protestants who had
seized the property of Catholics. The population regarded them as apostates or
as conquerors and detested them. In return the landlords felt little sympathy
for the tenants. They let the farmers die before their eyes or evicted them
from their miserable dwellings on the slightest pretext. While such a large
proportion of the population were starving the marquis of Sligo had a thousand
sheep on the surrounding grasslands and several of his granaries were full yet
the population had no idea of seizing these means of subsistence. They would
sooner die than touch them partly due to religious virtue but also from fear of
hanging or transportation for stealing from the landlord. It was evident that
the priests, if they were not encouraging the people to revolt, would not be in
the least sorry if they did revolt, and their indignation against the upper
classes was lively and deep.
As
the Great Famine occurred towards the end of the O’Donels’ tenure as the major
landlords in the parish and undoubtedly contributed to their eventual
impossible financial position, this chapter also examines the effect the policy
that Sir Richard O’Donel had towards his tenants during this period. How the
tenants of the O’Donel estate fared in comparison with those of other landlords
is also examined. Included in this is an examination of the increase of arrears
of rent and the eventual outcome of those tenants in severe arrears. Also the
decline in population is compared with that of tenants of other landlords in
the parish. Co-operation with various relief agencies, particularly the Central
Relief Committee organised by the Society of Friends or Quakers, was very
important in alleviating distress at this time. The workings of the two Poor
Law Unions active in the area, initially the Westport Union and later the
Newport Union, and Sir Richard O’Donel’s involvement in them is also examined.
The impact of the Famine on landlord tenant relations is looked at and what
tenants had power during this period. The change in land leasing patterns from
multiple tenants to single tenants is also examined.
The
effect of maintaining a lifestyle appropriate to that of being a member of the
Anglo-Irish gentry took a heavy toll on the finances of the O’Donel estate.
This increased indebtedness over time led finally to the sale of most the
estate in the Incumbered Estates Court. If the economy of the country and this
part of Mayo had continued to prosper the O’Donels would have been able to meet
their financial obligations. Alternatively if they had modified their lifestyle
they probably would also have succeeded in staving off the sale of the estate.
However tightening the belt buckle was not in keeping with being seen as an
important member of the landed gentry in West Mayo.
Primary Sources
Manuscript Sources.
National Library of Ireland
1.
MS 112 p.107 Genealogical
office Pedigree of O Donel of Newport Co. Mayo c 1730 – 1806
2.
MS 12705 Westport Union ledgers
Oct 1840 – Sept 1847
3.
MS 14309
Minutes of the Westport Union Board of Guardians 1840
4.
MS 16964
Accounts of the administration of the estate of Rev George Graydon Newport Co .
Mayo 1805 - 7
5.
MS 5619 O’Malleys in the 18th
Century by Sir Owen O’Malley
6.
MS 5736
Rentals and Tithes Applotments of O’Donel Estate 1774-1830
7.
MS 5737 James Moore’s Accounts.
8.
MS 5738 Rent Roll of O’Donel
Estate.
9.
MS 5739 Minutes of Newport
Union, 15 October 1859-27 April 1850
10.
MS 5740
Rental of Newport Estate March and Sept 1855
11.
MS 5742
Accounts O'Donel Estate and Relief Funds 1837-40 and schedule of decrees
obtained at Castlebar Quarter Sessions 23rd June 1838
12.
MS 5744
Memorandum of leases on Sir Richard O'Donel Estates 1773 -1842
13.
MS 5745
Sept 1826-Sept 1831 Rental
14.
MS 5821
Rent Roll of Medlicott Estate 1774-1814
15.
MS 8669, Pim correspondence.
16.
O’Donel Unindexed Papers 1816
rent roll
17.
O’Donel Unindexed Papers 1818
rent roll
18.
PC 263 (1)/23 Indenture Sir N
O’D Hugh McDonagh Tolls Customs and usages of fairs 1808.
19.
PC 263
(1)/25 Lease 1823 of the Tanyard House to Anthony
O’Donel
20.
PC 263
(1)/59 Connell O’Donel High Constable for barony and
Patk Gibbons Deputy High Constable 1815
21.
PC 263
(1)/60 Civil Bill for rent due taken by Sir Richard A
O’Donel against Peter Gibbons, Patt Gibbons jr, James Monaghan, Neal McManamon
and Ann Morris houses and tenements on east side of Market St and parks on
Barrack Hill.
22.
PC 263
(1)/62 Arrears of Cess due Patk Gibbons for Summer Cess
1814 Burrishoole Parish
23.
PC 263
(1)/68 An account of the arrears of flaxseed contained
in the North Division of the Newport Estate
24.
PC 263
(1)/70 Letter from Pat Gibbons to Major General Sir
John Buchan requesting that troops return to Newport and be rebilleted in the
premises belonging to Pat Gibbons 1783
25.
PC 263
(1)/72 Money
owed to Pat Gibbons by Connel O’Donel for repair to roads 1825
26.
PC 263
(1)/74 Letter to Dr McGreal from his nephew concerning
Cholera in Newport 1832
27.
PC 263
(1)/77 Details of legal fees in several cases taken
against Sir Neal O’Donel.
28.
PC 263
(1)/78 Plaintiff Mary McDonnell 1817.
29.
PC 263
(1)/79 Plaintiff Joseph Manus O’Donel 1817.
30.
PC 263
(1)/8 Lease 1756 between Thomas John Medlicott and
Stephen Davis for two plots in
Medlicott Street and seventy two acres in Mullaun.
31.
PC 263
(1)/80 Plaintiff Robert Fitzgerald Ormsby 1815.
32.
PC 263
(1)/81 Plaintiff John Langston 1815.
33.
PC 263
(1)/82 Plaintiff Charles Keane 1815.
34.
PC 263
(1)/83 Plaintiff Richard Acton 1815.
35.
PC 263
(1)/84 Indenture 22 June 1813 between Connel O’Donel ,
Sir Neal O’Donel and Francis Charles Annesley
stating that Francis Charles Annesley has paid Connel O’Donel £3000 owed
to him from the will of his father Sir Neal O’Donel the elder .
36.
PC 263 (1)/9 Lease 1790 John
Davis Mullaun
37.
PC 263 (2) Judgement stating
Denis Browne has purchased annuity from Hannah Osborne and can Sir Neal
O’Donel force him to sell him the
annuity from Counsel John Kirwan for case of Opinion
38.
PC 263 (2)/1 Reversion of lease
from Dodwell Browne to Sir Neal O’Donel
of Glendahurk 1805
39.
PC 263
(2)/100 1805 Agreement between Sir Neal O’Donel and
John Claudius Beresford to pay an annual annuity to Charles Jacob Bannister of
£120
40.
PC 263
(2)/101 Attested copy of Accounts of the Receiver
Alexander Clendenning from the estate of Sir Richard O’Donel used as evidence
in the three court cases taken against Sir Richard O’Donel by Arthur Guinness,
Peter Digges La Touche and John O’Hara. Amount of rents received in 1843.
Newport Estate £6879 12s 10d Cong Estate £2500 17s 3d Clogher Estate £459 8s 7d
41.
PC 263 (2)/23 Lease 22 September
1832 between Patrick McGreal of Castlebar Surgeon and apothecary and Alexander
Clendenning of Ballinrobe
42.
PC 263
(2)/55 Schedule of Toll and Customs and Cranage levies
within the manor of Newport.
43.
PC 263
(2)/56 Decree for non-payment of rent 1830 Comploon
Jeremiah Canning and others
44.
PC 263
(2)/58 Debt of £1680 by Neal O’Donel to Chas Jacob
Bannister for costs from Court of Exchequer 1813.
45.
PC 263
(2)/60 Judgement
stating James Moore left £1000 to his granddaughter Mary O’Donel otherwise
Coane wife of Sir Neal O’Donel from
Counsel John Kirwan for case of Opinion
46.
PC 263
(2)/66 Memorandum between Sir R A O’D and Alexander and
George Clendenning land agents.
47.
PC 263
(2)/70 Court of Chancery Alexander Clendenning receiver
lands Ballycroy and Achill.
48.
PC 263
(2)/74 Memorandum of agreement made between Sir Richard
Annesley O’Donel and Henry Brett ,
Francis Burke and Michael Murphy assignees of Alexander Clendenning and George
Clendenning bankrupts . Whereas said Alexander Clendenning and George Clendenning
acted for several years as land agents for Sir Richard Annesley O’Donel
receiving rents and claiming large sums spent on improvement of estate which
Sir Richard Annesley O’Donel disputes make final settlement of all claims of
Clendennings and Alexander Lambert against Sir Richard Annesley O’Donel.
49.
PC 263
(2)/76 Indented deed of 30 August 1805 Neal O’Donel
eldest son of Sir Neal O’Donel John Claudius Beresford and Charles Jacob
Bannister nominated and appointed on behalf of Charles Jacob Bannister agreed
annuity of £120 so paid to Neal O’Donel out of lands at Cong.
50.
PC 263
(2)/85 Instructions to enter caveat in the Court of
Probate to prevent Rev Mr Young obtaining probate on the will of the late Mr
Neal Connel O’Donel who was placed in a lunatic asylum in 1843
51.
PC 263
(2)/87 Lawyers costs for several deeds for Sir Neal
O’Donel 1812
52.
PC 263
(2)/94 List of tolls and customs 1818.
53.
PC 263
(2)/96 Indenture 29 May 1812 Henry Doughty annuity for
£120 a year in return for £900 lump sum.
54.
PC 263 (3) 1838 Lease of mill
to Jonas Swain.
55.
PC 263 (3)/14 Lease 3 May 1805
Sir Neal O’Donel to Connel O'Donel
56.
PC 263 (3)/18 1792 lease John
Arbuthnot to Lieut. Colonel Richard Wilford of eighth of Kings Regiment eighth
Dragoons Carrowsallagh part of Carigahowley
57.
PC 263
(3)/37 Arrears for Burrishoole 1814
58.
PC 263
(3)/38 Rental of Newport Estate for 1823.
59.
PC 263
(3)/39 1819 Rent Roll
60.
PC 263
(3)/40 Diary of days worked by labourers on
construction of Castlebar to Glenisland road with number of horses used etc.
61.
PC 263 (3)/46 Bill plumber and
water closet manufacturer.
62.
PC 263
(3)/57 Letter from Babs O’Donel Galway to Patt Gibbons
re outbreak of Cholera 1837
63.
PC 263
(3)/62 Indenture 1854 between Sir Richard Annesley
O’Donel, George Clendenning O’Donel, Mary O’Donel otherwise Clendenning wife of
Sir Richard Annesley O’Donel, Michael Murphy of Mountrath Street in City of
Dublin. Sir Neal O’Donel left an annuity
of £2000 a year to his wife Mary Coane if she should survive him . Will of Sir
Neal O’Donel of 9th March 1810 left £14000 to his younger children
Sir Richard Annesley O’Donel wished to settle a jointure of £1000 on his wife
Mary Clendenning if she should survive him
64.
PC 263 Letter from W Johns to
Sir Neal O’Donel 22 Mar 1811
65.
PC 263(1) O’Donel Estate 1805
Rent Roll
66.
PC
263(1)/50 Indenture
of Estate 1774 “Signed sealed and delivered by the within named Thos. John
Medlycott, John Thomas Medlycott, Frances Phillipa Elizabeth and Susan
Medlycott, John Earl of Altamont and John Thewles, Jane Brown and James Shiel
in the presence of …”
67.
PC
263(1)/68 An
account of the arrears of flaxseed contained in the North Division of the
Newport Estate
68.
PC 263(2) O’Donel Estate 1811
Rent Roll
69.
PC 263(2)/6
Lease 1858 Sir Richard O’Donel to John Bole of
Kiltarnet
70.
PC 263(2)/62 Accounts for
payments of workers and improvements at
Newport for 1843/1844
71.
PC 263(3)/14 Lease 3 May 1805
Sir Neal O’Donel to Connel O'Donel
72.
PC 264
(1)/34 Appointment Justice Peace Sir R O’D nineteenth
year reign Victoria.
73.
PC 264
(1)/37 1805 Court of Annates Sir Neal O’Donel to Chas.
Jacob Barrister £1600.
74.
PC 264
(1)/38 1809 Settlement of Marriage of Sir Neal O’Donel
and Catherine Annesley
75.
PC 264
(1)/45 1853 Notice to quit Bernard McCarroll of Newport
Pratt from Mary Clynes of Belmullet
76.
PC 264
(1)/49 30 August 45 George third. Neal O’Donel eldest son of Sir Neal O’Donel
John Claudius Beresford Charles Jacob Bannister Philip Henry Roper sum of £840
in exchange for a yearly annuity of £120 for the life of Neal O’Donel.
77.
PC 264
(2)/14 1829 Alexander Clendenning receiver.
78.
PC 264
(2)/17 Granting of 2 extra fairs in Newport 1781 One on
first day of August and the other on 20th Dec rent of £8 6s.
79.
PC 264
(2)/19 Memorial of an Indenture of assignment 2 June
1808 between Charles Jacob Bannister and Henry Doughty £840 transfer to Henry
Doughty annuity of £120 to Charles Jacob Bannister for Neal O’Donel of 30 Aug
1805 .
80.
PC 264
(2)/22 Document from Court of Kings bench marking
agreement between Sir Neal O’Donel and John Thomas Medlicott and Thomas John
Medlicott where in exchange for the Newport estate described therein John
Thomas Medlicott was given £33,589 19s 4d and Thomas John Medlicott one sparrow
hawk.
81.
PC 264
(2)/28 Accounts of Sir Richard O’Donel for 1843- 1844
Affidavit of Alexander Clendenning in case of John O Hara and wife vs. Sir
Richard Annesley O’Donel 1844
82.
PC 264
(2)/8 Order in Court of Chancery 20 July 1806 re: Alice
O’Donnell daughter of Hugh O’Donnell letters of guardianship due sum of £10000
from the estate of her father Hugh O’Donel
83.
PC 264(1)/25
Lease John Nixon 1797 Market Street
84.
PC 265 (1) Will of Sir Neal
O'Donel
85.
PC 265 (1)/17 Lease to Patrick
McGreal for three lives 3rd April 1821
86.
PC 265
(1)/19 Lease 1798 to James Moore O’Donel Seamount House
and eight acres of land
87.
PC 265
(1)/26 4th year of reign of William IV Sir Richard
O’Donel appointed High Sheriff of Mayo.
88.
PC 265
(1)/42 1846 Correspondence. 15 letters re: building scutch mill and corn mill for Sir Richard
O’Donel with Messrs. McAdam, Carrol and Co Belfast
89.
PC 265
(1)/52 1797 Grant of fairs to Sir Neal O’Donel.
90.
PC 265
(1)/58 Request for 30 troops to be stationed in Newport
1833
91.
PC265(1)/59 Letter from Lord
Sligo to Sir Richard O’Donel stating that 30 troops to be sent to Newport 1832.
92.
PC 265
(1)/60 Letter from Lord Sligo to Sir Richard O’Donel
requesting his permission to nominate GM for sub sheriff for the county of Mayo
93.
PC 265
(1)/61 Letter from Dominick Browne MP to Sir Richard
O’Donel re Repeal of the Act of Union and Daniel O Connel with details of his
speech in the Mayo Constitution.
94.
PC 265
(1)/62 Letter from Sir Richard O’Donel 1833 to the Lord
Lieutenant advising not to be too severe in trying to collect county cess in
Ballycroy as this could lead to disturbance in the area
95.
PC 265
(1)/63 Letters from Sir Richard O’Donel to E G Stanley
and his reply as to an attack on the house of Martin Limerick and possibility
of obtaining for him a position in the Admiralty.
96.
PC265(1)/66 Letter from Lord
Sligo to Sir Richard O’Donel Jan 28 1859 arranging meeting to request more troops
for the area.
97.
PC 265
(1)/70 Correspondence to Sir Neal O’Donel 1811 re:
non-payment of annuity of £120 to Henry Doughty.
98.
PC 265
(1)/71 Letter from Dominick Browne MP Castlemagarret to
Sir Richard O’Donel as to how the Mayo landlords should vote as to extending
voting rights to Catholics with mention of Daniel O Connell 1829
99.
PC 265
(1)/72 Letter from Dominick Browne MP Castlemagarret
from House of Commons to Sir Richard O’Donel congratulating him on his
impending marriage to Mary Clendenning 1830
100. PC 265 (1)/74 Letter
from Lord Sligo to Sir Richard O’Donel refusing Sir Richard’s request to
nominate Daniel O Connel
to a committee of the House of Commons 1831
101. PC 265 (1)/75 Nov 1831
letter from Lord Sligo to Sir Richard O’Donel re: Ballycroy murder
102. PC 265 (1)/76
Letter from Jane Nixon to Lord Annesley and from
Lord Annesley to Sir Richard
O’Donel that the jointure
to Lady Catherine Annesley O’Donel then resident in Bath
had not been paid for two
years
103. PC 265 (1)/80 Legal
costs of Sir Neal O’Donel 1807 amounting to £436 6s 7d.
104. PC 265 (2)/9 1809 Legal
bill for services carried out by solicitor over a number of years.
105. PC 265 (3)/19 Sir Neal
O’Donel made Justice of Peace
106. PC 265 (3)/21 1788
ejectment McNamara
107. PC 265 (3)/22 Marriage
Settlement Hugh O’Donel and Alice Hutchinson.
108. PC 265 (3)/23 Appointment
of James Moore as local deputy for affairs of the Admiralty
109. PC 265 (3)/24 1793 Sir
Neal O’Donel brought ejectment for non-payment of rent on Cong estate
and was ordered by court
to reinstate tenants but they still don’t pay rent and he is
liable for tithes.
Seeking John Kirwan counsels advice as to his course of action
110. PC 265 (3)/28 Accounts
from Josias Dunn solicitor to Sir Neal O’Donel for legal work 1812 £62
0s 8d
111. PC 265 (3)/9 Lease 20
January 1796 Mrs Margaret Davis to Sir Neal O'Donel
112. PC 265(1)/43 Correspondence from James Barrett Belfast 13 Mar 1847
113. PC 265(1)/58 letter from Sir R O’Donel requesting troops to be sent
to Newport 1832
114. PC 265(1)/59 letter from Lord Sligo to Sir R O’Donel stating that 30
troops to be sent to
Newport 1832
115. PC 265(1)/67
Letter from Lord Sligo to Sir Neal O’Donel the
younger informing him of the
forcible landing of tobacco near Newport and that the authorities in
Dublin have been
notified
116. Linen Board
premiums for persons growing flax: 1796 a list of persons paid premiums for
sowing flax in a scheme run by the Linen Board to increase the supply of flax.
It provides the name and parish of residence of over 2,000 persons in Mayo. It
is available in several archives in book or microfiche form.
Mayo
County Library, Castlebar, County Mayo
Proceedings of the Grand Jury for County Mayo 1720
–1780.
Representative
Church Body Library ,
Marriage Register Newport parish of Burrishoole (I)
Aughaval Union, Westport Co. Mayo Diocese of Tuam 1845 -1932.
National
Archives
1081 2/2 5 May
1840 Custom House London to Westport commending action of Westport in informing
the Lord Lieutenant of the illegal importation of arms into Newport from the
"Paragon"
1081 14/39 30
March 1850 Custom House London to Westport Table of alterations to be made in
the Coast Guard force in the Westport district .
1081 5/1 5 January
1849 Custom House London to Westport . Report that two vessels
1081 5/2 10
January 1849 Custom House London to Westport reply to Westport re plundering of
Indian Corn etc. and measures to be taken .
1081 5/3 14
February 1849 Custom House London to Westport Details of prosecution to be
carried out against two vessels believed to have plundered a cargo of meal in
Rossminna Sound.
Class Chancery Sub
Class Drainage Awards enrolments 7 31, 7 33, 7 41.
from Keel carrying
Indian Corn etc. for the Missionary Settlement at Achill Island had been
plundered of their cargo
LEC 1622 ff143 T19815 Plain copy Will and Codicil of
Connel O’Donel of Seamount County Mayo Esq. last signed 13 Oct 1840.
RLFC 4/211 Relief
Commission Papers
Tithes Applotment, Parish of Burrishoole.
Registry
of Deeds
Book 71 Page 135 Deed 49535
Book 146 Page 515 Deed 98610
Printed Sources
1821 Census of
Ireland
Report from
Comm. on Poor Laws in Ireland Appendix (E) HC 1836, xxxii
Abstract of
1841 Census of Ireland 1843 [459], li, 319
1851 Census of
Ireland (County of Mayo) 1852-3 [1542] xcii,453
Griffiths
Valuation of Tenements for the Union of Newport , County Mayo 1857
Books
Anon., Transactions
of the Central Relief Committee of the Society of Friends during the Famine in
Ireland (reprint Dublin ,1996)
Fraser, James, Guide
through Ireland Hand book for travellers in Ireland : descriptive of its
scenery, towns, seats, antiquities, etc. (1854)
Inglis, H. D., Journey
throughout Ireland during Spring, Summer and Autumn of 1834 (2 vols.
London, 1834)
Knight, P., Erris
in the Irish Highlands and the Atlantic Railway (1st ed., Dublin
1836)
Larkin, Emmet
(ed.), Alexis de Tocqueville’s
Journey in Ireland July-August ,1835
(Dublin, 1990)
Lewis, Samuel, A
topographical dictionary of Ireland
2 vols. (London, 1837)
MacHale, Rev E
Dean, ‘List of persons who have suffered
losses in their property in the County of Mayo, and who has given in their
claims on or before the 6th April 1799 , to the Commissioners for inquiring
into the losses sustained by such of his Majesty's loyal subjects as have
suffered in their property by the rebellion.’ in North Mayo Historical
Journal ii,(1988)2, 21
McParland, James, Statistical
Survey of County Mayo (Dublin, 1802)
Nicholson,
Asenath, Annals of the Famine in Ireland (reprint Dublin,1998)
Ni Chinneide, Sile
(ed), ‘A Frenchman’s Tour of Connacht in 1791’ in JGAHS xxxv (1976),
p52.
Parliamentary
gazetteer of Ireland 3 vols. (London, 1844-6)
Pococke, Richard,
1704-1765.: Richard Pococke's Irish tours , 1995
Scott, Michael
(ed), Mr and Mrs Hall’s Tour of
Ireland 1840 (London, 1984)
Slater's Directory 1846
The Treble
Almanack for the year 1830 containing John Wilson Stewart’s Almanack , the
English Court Registry , Wilson’s Dublin Directory with a new Correct Plan of
the City. (Dublin 1830)
Thom’s Directory (Dublin
1847)
Thom’s Directory (Dublin 1858)
Thoms Directory (Dublin 1855)
Tuke, James H, Visit
to Connaught in the autumn of 1847 a letter addressed to the Central Relief
Committee of the Society of Friends Dublin. Second edition with notes of a
subsequent visit to Erris (London, 1848)
Young, Arthur, A
tour in Ireland. Selected and edited by Constantia Maxwell (Cambridge,
1925)
Newspapers
Dublin
Chronicle,
Evening Freeman
Freemans
Journal (Dublin)
Mayo
Constitution
Secondary Sources
Books
Bence-Jones, Mark,
A Guide to Irish Country Houses (London,1988)
Connel, Paul,
Cronin, Denis and Ó Dálaigh, Brian (eds.), Irish townlands studies in local
history (Dublin, 1998)
Crawford, W. H.,
‘Development of the County Mayo economy, 1700 – 1850’ in R. Gillespie and G. Moran,
‘A various country’ essays in Mayo history 1500 – 1900 (Westport, 1987)
p.67
Debrett’s
baronetage with knightage illustrated (1877)
Donnelly, James S
Jr., ‘Landlords and Tenants’ in W. E. Vaughan (ed. ) A New History of
Ireland. Ireland under the Union .1801-1870 (Oxford, 1989)
Evans, E. Estyn, The
personality of Ireland (Dublin, 1992)
Freeman, T.W., Pre
Famine Ireland: A Study in Historical Geography (Manchester, 1957)
Gill, Conrad, The
rise of the Irish Linen Industry (Oxford, 1964)
Goodbody, Rob, A
suitable channel, Quaker Relief in the Great Famine. (1995, Dublin)
Johnston- Liik,
Edith Mary, History of the Irish Parliament 1692 – 1800. (6 vols.,
Belfast, 2002)
Jordan, Donald E, Land
and Popular Politics in Ireland. (Cambridge, 1994)
Lyons, Mary
Cecelia, Illustrated Incumbered Estates Ireland 1850 - 1905 (Whitegate,
1993)
Mac Cártaigh, C.,
‘Clare Island Folklife’ in New Survey of Clare Island Vol. 1: History and
Cultural Landscape. (1999) p. 43
McCabe, Desmond,
‘Social order and the ghost of moral economy in Pre-Famine Mayo’ in R Gillespie
and G Moran ‘A various country’
essays in Mayo history 1500 – 1900 (Westport, 1987). p. 91
McNally, Kenneth, Achill
(Newton Abbot, 1973)
Ó Móráin, P., Annála beaga pharáiste Bhuiréis Umhaill. A
short account of the history of Burrishoole parish (Westport, 1957)
O’Connor, John, The
Workhouses of Ireland. (Dublin ,
1995)
Quinn, J.F., ‘Members of Newport Poor Law Union 1859’ in
Quinn, J.F., History Of Mayo. (4 vols., Ballina, 1993), ii, p. 108.
Quinn, J.F., ‘Slaters Directory 1846’ cited in Quinn,
J.F., History Of Mayo. (4 vols., Ballina, 1993), ii, p. 109.
Quinn, J.F., History of Mayo 4 vols. (Ballina, 1993)
Quinn, J.F., ‘Subscribers to Mathew Archdeacon's "Legends of
Connaught"’, in J.F. Quinn, History Of Mayo. (4
vols., Ballina, 1993), i, p. 12.
Journals
Ainsworth, J., ‘O
Malley Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica xxv, (1967) p187.
Anon, ‘Knockavelly Glebe, headstone inscriptions’ in Back
the Road, Journal of Newport Historical Society. i, (1996) p 21.
Carroll, K. ,
’Quaker weavers at Newport 1720 – 1740’ in Friends Historical Journal (1976)
pp. 15 – 27.
Curtis, L. P. jr.
, ‘Incumbered Wealth : Landed Indebtedness in Post-Famine Ireland’ in American
Historical Review li (1980), 332
Lane, Pádraig G,
‘The general impact of the Encumbered Estates Act of 1849 on Counties Galway
and Mayo’ in JGAHS xxxiii (1972)
, 44
Lane, Padraig G,
‘The impact of the Encumbered Estates Court upon the landlords of Galway and
Mayo .’ in JGAHS xxxviii (1981) , 45
Lane, Pádraig G,
‘Purchases of land in Counties Galway and Mayo in Encumbered Estates Court 1849
-1858 .’ in JGAHS xxxxiiii,(1991) , 95
Lane, Pádraig G,
‘Currane Mountain, Mayo and the 1850s : a socio-economic study’ in Cathair
na Mart xii (1992),75
Lane, Pádraig G,
‘Some Galway and Mayo Landlords of the mid nineteenth century .’ in JGAHS
xxxxv, (1993) , 70
Lane, Pádraig G,
‘The Gonne-Bell Estate at Streamstown Co. Mayo: a record of property
vicissitudes’ in Cathair na Mart xiii (1993),82
Lane, Pádraig G,
‘Landed Encumbrances; A Record of The Dillon-Browne Estate’ in Cathair na Mart xiv (1994),69
Lane, Padraig G,
‘The Lambert Brookhill Estate : a record of Mayo property 1694-1946’ in Cathair
na Mart xvi (1996),45
Lane, Pádraig G,
‘Rents and leases in eighteenth century Mayo: an observation of the Lambert
estate ’ Cathair na Mart xviii (1998), 57
Lane, Pádraig G,
‘The consideration of Mayo property in the 1830s and 1840s’ in Cathair na
Mart xix (1999),101
Mayock, John,
‘County of Mayo, a list of persons to whom premiums for sowing flax-seed in the
year 1796 have been adjudged by the trustees of the linen manufacture’ .in Cathair
na Mart , xi ,(1991),93
Mayock, John,
‘South Mayo Militia’ in Cathair na Mart ,xiv, (1994) ,11
McDermott, J.,
‘Newport – The 18th Century’ in the Journal of the Newport
Historical Society i. (1996) p. 38
McManamon,
Sean P, ‘Landlords and evictions during the Great Famine’. in Cathair na
Mart , xviii, (1998) p.125
Mullowney, P. and Geraty, J. , ‘The O’Donels of Newport’ in
Back the Road Journal of the Newport
Historical Society i.(1996), p. 12
O Cochlain, R.S.
,‘The O'Donnells of Mayo’ in North Mayo Historical Journal (1990) p. 67
- 81.
Simms, J.G.,
‘Connacht in the eighteenth century’ in Irish Historical Studies xi,
(1958) , 116.
Wyse Jackson,
Patrick N and Vaccari, Ezio , ‘Volcanoes and Straw Bonnets : The Graydons of
Burrishoole’ .Cathair na Mart , xiii (1993) , 90
Theses
Almquist, Eric L.,
‘Mayo and beyond: land domestic industry and rural transformation in the Irish
west.’ Ph. D. thesis Boston University 1977
Dempsey, Orla, ‘Quaker
Contribution to Relief in Ballina Co. Mayo during the Great Famine 1845-50‘,
(1997), MA, NUI Maynooth, 1997
McDermott,
J.P., ‘An examination of the Accounts of
James Moore Esq. Land agent and collector of Port Fees at Newport Pratt, Co.
Mayo 1742 –65, Including an Account of the Development of Newport Pratt from
the early eighteenth century until 1776’ M. A. Thesis, NUI Maynooth, 1994.
O’Malley, Michael
J., ‘Local relief during the Great Irish Famine 1845- 1850 the case of county
Mayo’ Ph. D Thesis. Loyola University Chicago. Jan 2000.
The first
schedule to which the foregoing charge refers containing an account of the
several charges affecting the Estates in the pleadings mentioned.
|
Name
|
Principal Late Currency
£ s d
|
Principal Present Currency
£ s d
|
Interest Due Present
Currency
1 November 1831
£ s d
|
|
Francis Jessop
|
16,700
|
15,415 7
8
|
3609 15
3 ½
|
|
Cornelius Sullivan
|
2,100
|
1938 9
3
|
615 8 11
|
|
Robert Barry
|
2,000
|
1846 3
1
|
531 5 3
|
|
La Touche and wife
|
500
|
461 10
9
|
461 10 9
|
|
La Touche and wife as
assignees of General Manus O’Donel
|
1800
|
1661 10
9
|
1661 10 9
|
|
La Touche and wife as
assignees of Johnson
|
446 9
6
|
412 2
9
|
334 10 9
|
|
La Touche and wife as
assignees of McDonel
|
500
|
461 10
9
|
334 12 3
|
|
Neal O’Donel Browne
|
500
|
461 10
9
|
334 12 3
|
|
Hon H Caulfield and Wife
|
500
|
461 10
9
|
144 13 8
|
|
B D La Touche and Wife
|
500
|
461 10
9
|
334 12 3
|
|
Julia L Brown
|
500
|
461 10
9
|
334 12 3
|
|
A Richey and Wife
|
500
|
461 10
9
|
334 12 3
|
|
Maria O’Donel Browne
|
500
|
461 10
9
|
334 12 3
|
|
BD La Touche and wife assignees of Crawford
|
100
|
92 6
2
|
92 6 2
|
|
BD La Touche and wife assignees of Johnson
|
50
|
46 3
1
|
46 3 1
|
|
Hon H Caulfield and Wife
|
2,000
|
1846 3
1
|
448 10 8
|
|
Newport Free Schools
|
600
|
553 16
11
|
229 4 7
|
The foregoing
charges are all included in the schedule annexed to the deed of settlement of
10 October 1798
|
Name
|
Principal Late Currency
£ s d
|
Principal Present Currency
£ s d
|
Interest Due Present
Currency
1 November 1831
£ s d
|
|
Colonel Clayton and wife
created by deed of 10th Oct 1798
|
10,000
|
9,230 15
6
|
3665
10 0
|
|
Colonel Clayton and wife
created by deed of 10th Oct 1798
|
1000
|
923 1
6
|
279 15
7
|
|
Hugh J H Browne
|
1990
|
1836 18
6
|
374
11 2
|
|
P D La Touche and wife
|
5000
|
4615 7
8
|
1930 7 6
|
|
A Richey and wife
|
1000
|
923 1
6
|
283 8 8
|
|
J C Browne
|
1000
|
923 1
6
|
546 16 1
|
|
M O’D Browne
|
1000
|
923 1
6
|
697 8 7
|
|
Hon J C Annesley
|
3000
|
2769 4
7 ½
|
852 1 4
|
These sums make
up the £14000 charge by Sir Neal O’Donel the elder pursuant to power extended
in said deed of 10 October 1798
|
Name
|
Principal Late Currency
£ s d
|
Principal Present Currency
£ s d
|
Interest Due Present
Currency
1 November 1831
£ s d
|
|
Hon T C Annesley
|
216 13 4
|
200
|
35
|
|
Neal C O’Donel
|
1666 13
4
|
1538 9 2
|
335 3 3
|
|
Mary O’Donel
|
1666 13 4
|
1538 9 2
|
326 18 5 ½
|
|
Martin Connolly and wife
|
1666 13 4
|
1538 9 2
|
234 4 6 ½
|
|
Margaret M O’Donel
|
1666 13 4
|
1538 9 2
|
302 3 11
|
|
C A O’Donel
|
1666 13 4
|
1538 9 2
|
302 3 11
|
|
J St L O’Donel
|
1666 13 4
|
1538 9 2
|
302 3 11
|
These make
£10000 charged by Sir Neal O’Donel the younger for his children
The second
schedule to which the foregoing refers containing in amount of the several sums
paid by said receiver on account of interest on part of the charges in the
foregoing schedule mentioned and which sums are all included in the consent
bearing date the third of December on thousand eight hundred and thirty one .
|
Name
|
Interest Due Present
Currency
1 November 1831
£ s d
|
|
To Lady Catherine O’Donel
since deceased three years indenture to first May
one thousand eight hundred
and thirty
|
2769 4 7
|
|
To the deft Cornelius
Sullivan on account of interest
|
443 1 6
|
|
To the deft Robert Barry on
account of interest
|
465 4 7
|
|
To the deft Frances Jessop
widow on account of interest
|
1849 17 0
|
|
To the deft Frances Jessop
widow on account of interest
|
1387 7 9
|
|
To the deft Major William
Thwaites on account of interest
|
232
12 4
|
|
To the deft Major William
Thwaites on account of interest
|
100 0 0
|
|
To the deft Peter Digges La
Touche on account of interest
|
300 0 0
|
|
To the deft Peter Digges La
Touche on account of interest
|
500 0 0
|
|
To the deft Colonel William
Robert Clayton and wife on account of
interest
|
1000 0 0
|
|
Paid to the defts Peter
Digges La Touche and wife as assignees of Colonel Manus O’Donel on account of
interest
|
100 0 0
|
|
Paid to the defts Peter
Digges La Touche and wife as assignees of William Moor Johnston on account of
interest
|
300 0 0
|
|
Paid to the defts Peter
Digges La Touche and wife as assignees of Joseph Crawford on account of
interest
|
50 0 0
|
|
Paid to the defts Peter
Digges La Touche and wife as assignees of William Moor Johnston on account of
interest
|
50
0 0
|
|
To the deft Hon Henry
Caulfield on account of interest
|
100 0 0
|
|
To the deft Alex Richey on
account of interest
|
200 0 0
|
|
To the deft Alex Richey on
account of interest
|
83 1 7
|
|
To the deft Louisa Browne
on account of interest
|
150 0 0
|
|
To the deft Louisa Browne
on account of interest
|
83 1 7
|
|
To the deft Maria O’Donel
Browne on account of interest
|
150 0 0
|
|
To the deft Maria O’Donel
Browne on account of interest
|
250 0 0
|
|
To the deft Hugh John Henry
Browne on account of interest
|
100 0 0
|
|
To the deft Hon Francis
Charles Annesley on account of interest
|
300 0 0
|
|
To the deft Martin Connolly
and wife on account of interest
|
140 0 0
|
|
To the deft Mary O’Donel on
account of interest
|
50 0 0
|
|
To the use of Defendant
William Young esq. on account of interest due the defendants Margaret
Molyneux O’Donel , Catherine Annesley O’Donel and Isabella St Laurence
O’Donel
|
150 0 0
|
|
To the trustees of Newport
free school on account of interest
|
100 0 0
|
|
To the deft Neal O’Donel
Browne on account of interest
|
100 0 0
|
Total amount owed £75499
Include C:/floppy/encumbered56.xls sheet 2 for sales
in encumbered estates court page1
